Movsēs Daskhurantsi and Albania's Perspective on the Rise of the Sons of Ishmael

Movsēs Daskhurantsi and Albania's Perspective on the Rise of the Sons of Ishmael

بِسْمِ اللَّهِ الرَّحْمَٰنِ الرَّحِيمِ 

"In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful."

This installment turns to a voice from the Caucasus—a region that stood as the northern rampart of the Caliphate's expansion and bore the full weight of the Arab-Islamic conquests from the 7th century onward.

The History of the Caucasian Albanians (Patmut'iwn Aluanicʻ), attributed to Movsēs Daskhurantsi (also known as Movsēs Kalankatuatsi), is one of the most underutilized yet extraordinarily valuable sources for the study of early Islamic history. Composed in the 10th-11th centuries but drawing upon contemporary 7th-8th century materials, this Armenian-language chronicle preserves a unique perspective from the Caucasian Albanian Church—a Christian community that found itself directly in the path of the advancing "armies of Ishmael."

Not Unlike Sebeos, Movsēs offers something different: a sober, provincial chronicle of invasion, accommodation, and endurance. His work is preserved in a rich manuscript tradition, with the oldest extant witness dated to 1289 CE (Matenadaran No. 1682) and additional manuscripts in Paris, London, Venice, Tabriz, and Aleppo, divided by scholars into Group 1 and Group 2 recensions. The text has been studied by a distinguished lineage of scholars Sahnazarean (1860), Emin (1860), Patkanean (1861), Datean (1895-1897), Manandean (1897), Acarean (1935), Trever (1959), and Dowsett (1957-1961)—whose critical apparatus allows us to approach Movsēs's testimony with unusual confidence.

Movsēs Daskhurantsi's History is more than a curious provincial chronicle—it is an indispensable witness to how the Islamic conquests were experienced on the northern frontier of the Caliphate. It confirms, from a Christian perspective and with geographical precision, the same sequence of events recorded by Sebeos in Armenia, Fredegar in Gaul, Du You in China, and the Sassanian and Abbasid sources preserved in Tang annals. Together, these six voices—from six civilizations, in six languages, across three continents—form an irrefutable chorus of external corroboration for the early history of Islam.

⛰️ SECTION 0: What Is This Book? — The History of the Caucasian Albanians and Its Manuscript Tradition

📜 HEADER INTRO PARAGRAPH

Before we can examine what Movsēs Daskhurantsi (also known as Movsēs Kalankatuatsi) reveals about the rise of Islam and the early Caliphate's northern expansion, we must first understand the nature of the source itself. The History of the Caucasian Albanians (Patmut'iwn Aluanicʻ) is not a simple, unified chronicle penned by a single author at a single moment. It is a compilation—a carefully assembled mosaic of disparate sources, ecclesiastical documents, hagiographical narratives, princely eulogies, and contemporary historical records, woven together by an anonymous compiler (or compilers) who worked sometime between the late 10th and early 11th centuries. Its geographical focus is Caucasian Albania (Arm. Ałuankʻ), a Christian kingdom and church province situated in what is now roughly Azerbaijan and southern Dagestan, a region that served as the crucial frontier between the steppe nomads of the north (Khazars) and the great empires of the south (Sasanian Persia, the Caliphate).

The History has been the subject of intensive scholarly study since the 19th century. Its critical editions by K. Sahnazarean (1860) and M. Emin (1860), the Russian translation of K. Patkanean (1861), the manuscript studies of X. Datean (1895-1897), the philological work of H. Acarean (1935), and the definitive English translation by C. J. F. Dowsett (1961) have all contributed to a sophisticated understanding of its composition, sources, and historical value. More recently, scholars such as James Howard-Johnston have highlighted its extraordinary importance for the history of the seventh-century Near East, particularly for the final Roman-Persian war, the emergence of the Khazars, and the early Islamic conquests as seen from the northern frontier of the Caliphate.

Understanding the origins, sources, and manuscript tradition of the History of the Caucasian Albanians is essential before we can turn to its testimony on early Islam. For this is not a work of pure imagination or late legend; it is a complex compilation that preserves within it a contemporary voice from the very frontier where the armies of the Caliphate first met the Christian peoples of the Caucasus. Its witness is not to be dismissed.

🔍 ANALYSIS: The Book and Its Origins

🏛️ I. Title, Authorship, and Date: The Scholarly Debate

The work known as the History of the Caucasian Albanians (Patmut'iwn Aluanicʻ) presents immediate challenges regarding its title, author, and date of composition. These are not merely pedantic questions; they bear directly on how we evaluate the historical reliability of its contents, particularly its account of the early Islamic period.

A. The Title

The conventional title, History of the Caucasian Albanians, is a modern scholarly convenience. The work itself has no single, fixed title in the manuscript tradition. Dowsett notes that the heading of Book I, chapter 1 hints that a preface may once have existed, but it has not survived. The title we use today reflects the work's geographical focus: the history of the church and kingdom of Caucasian Albania (Arm. Ałuankʻ), a region distinct from the Albania of the Balkans, located in the eastern Transcaucasus, roughly corresponding to modern Azerbaijan and southern Dagestan.

B. The Author: Who Was Movsēs Daskhurantsi/Kalankatuatsi?

The identity of the author is one of the most vexed questions in Armenian historiography. The work is traditionally attributed to a certain Movsēs Daskhurantsi (or Kalankatuatsi), but this attribution is late and problematic.

• First Attestation: The name Movsēs Dasxurançi first appears in the works of the early 13th-century Armenian scholars Mxit'ar Goš and his pupil Vanakan Vardapet. They name him as the author of the History of the Albanians. Mxit'ar Ayrivaneçi, also in the 13th century, places "Movsēs Aluaniç" between the years 981 and 1001. Kirakos Ganjakeçi, another 13th-century historian, calls him "Movsēs Kalkanduaci, historian of the Aluankʻ."

• Problem: The earliest extant manuscript of the History (Matenadaran No. 1682, dated 1289 CE) bears no author's name. Nor do any of the Group 2 manuscripts. The earliest manuscript to bear the name Movsēs Kalankatuaci was copied by the scribe Lunkianos in 1761 CE.

• Origin of the Name: The surname "Kalankatuatsi" derives from a passage in Book II, chapter 11 (p. 84), which refers to "the large village of Kalankatukʻ, which is in the same province of Uti where I too am from." The 19th-century scholar H. Manandean correctly pointed out that this indicates the writer was from the province of Uti, not necessarily from the village of Kalankatukʻ itself. The speaker in this passage, however, may be the original author of this particular section (part of the seventh-century core), not the final compiler of the whole work. The 20th-century scholar N. Akinean argued that the name Kalankatuatsi is likely a faulty misinterpretation of this passage by Kirakos, which then misled later writers, including the scribe Lunkianos.

• The Dasxurançi Alternative: The other surname, Dasxurançi, is also problematic, as the place-name Dasxurën is not known otherwise. It may refer to a village or region that has since disappeared from the historical record. As Dowsett notes, following a suggestion by the great Iranist W. B. Henning, it is possible that Movsēs, by birth from Dasxuran (nowhere mentioned in the History), was a member of a monastery at Kalankatukʻ and thus entitled to both surnames. Of the two, Dasxurançi seems the surer.

• Was His Name Even Movsēs? Akinean even questioned whether the compiler's first name was Movsēs. He speculated that readers in the 12th-13th centuries, curious about the identity of the unknown author, may have assumed that the historian of the Albanians must have been one of the catholicoi of Albania, and therefore the last catholicos named in the text, Movsēs (mentioned in III. 23, who reigned 983-989 CE). This is plausible but unprovable.

C. The Date: A Compilation of the Late 10th or Early 11th Century

The date of the final compilation is equally debated, with scholars proposing dates ranging from the late 10th to the early 12th century.

• Terminus Post Quem: The last dates explicitly mentioned or clearly implied in the text provide a terminus post quem:

  • The reign of Senekʻerim, Albanian king of Siwnikʻ, ca. 1080-1105 CE (III. 22). However, this may be a later interpolation.

  • The Russian raid on Partaw in 944 CE (III. 21).

  • The accession of Catholicos Movsēs IV in 991 CE (III. 23).

• Terminus Ante Quem: The work was certainly known by the 13th century, when it was cited by Mxit'ar Goš, Vanakan, Mxit'ar Ayrivaneçi, and Kirakos.

• Scholarly Consensus: Most scholars, including Hakopian and Dowsett, place the final compilation in the late 10th or early 11th century. Hakopian argues that the compiler worked in the 990s, after the death of Catholicos Movsēs (983-989), the last in his list of catholicoi. The work's relatively full narrative peters out soon after 900 into a series of discrete notices, suggesting that the compiler lacked a connected source for the recent, complex history of Albania, which was riven by church schism and dynastic conflict.

• Howard-Johnston's View: Howard-Johnston accepts a date in the 990s for the final compilation but stresses that the core seventh-century material (Book II, chapters 9-45) is a distinct source, composed much earlier. He also notes that the compiler's role was that of a competent editor, not an original historian, and that he was scrupulous in handling his sources.

🏛️ II. The Manuscript Tradition: A Rich but Complex Witness

Dowsett's introduction provides a meticulous account of the manuscript tradition, which is essential for understanding the text's transmission and for evaluating the reliability of different readings.

A. Early Editions and Their Limitations

• Sahnazarean (1860): The first printed edition, based on four manuscripts: two from Etchmiadzin, one from Tabriz, and one from Constantinople. This edition, denoted as S, is the basis for Dowsett's translation.

• Emin (1860): Another edition, based on two undated manuscripts. Dowsett consulted it but placed less reliance on it due to "editorial liberties taken with the text." Denoted as E.

B. The Manuscripts Consulted by Dowsett

To establish the most satisfactory readings, Dowsett had recourse to a remarkable range of manuscripts, scattered across Europe and the Middle East:

Manuscript	Location	Siglum	Notes
Nos. 217-221	Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris	P1-5	19th-century copies prepared for scholars. Their provenance can be traced, linking them to other known manuscripts.
Or. 5261	British Museum, London	BM	A Group 2 manuscript. Breaks off before the end of III. 20.
No. 14856	Mekhitarist Monastery, San Lazzaro, Venice	V1	Folios bound in wrong order. Group 2.
No. 11467	Mekhitarist Monastery, San Lazzaro, Venice	V2	With variants from a Qarabagh manuscript (Q) noted in the margin. Group 2.
(Formerly Aleppo, now Anthelias, Lebanon)	Library of the Catholicosate of Cilicia	Ant.	A Group 1 manuscript.
D1-4	Mekhitarist Monastery, Vienna	D1-4	Four lists of variants prepared by X. Datean from four Etchmiadzin manuscripts, collated against Emin's edition.

C. Datean's Classification: Group 1 and Group 2

The most important contribution to understanding the manuscript tradition came from X. Datean, who in a series of articles in the journal Ararat (1895-1897) described and classified the Etchmiadzin manuscripts. He divided them into two groups:

• Group 1: Comprising MSS. [D]1682 (a.d. 1289), [D]632 (a.d. 1761), and [D]250 (a.d. 1829).

• Group 2: Comprising MSS. [D]633 (a.d. 1664) and [D]1721 (n.d.).

The editions of Sahnazarean and Emin are based on Group 1 manuscripts. The Russian translation of Patkanean (1861) also represents Group 1. One of the features of Dowsett's translation is that he gave some consideration to the variants of Group 2, which differ from Group 1 in several important respects:

• (a) Containing an important passage otherwise missing from III. 20, which must have been in the original exemplar.

• (b) Containing, in BM and P4 at least, a chapter on the history of the head of St. John Baptist (a late interpolation, omitted by Dowsett).

• (c) Presenting quite different versions of matters concerning the Albanian Church at I. 9, III. 8, and III. 23.

Datean believed that the readings of Group 2 were original in these ecclesiastical passages, as the oldest manuscript (D1682 = A1531) had been altered in these very places, probably by the scribe Lunkianos (who copied D632 in 1761).

D. Acarean's Catalogue (1935)

H. Acarean, in volume VII of his monumental Etymological Dictionary (1935), provided the most modern list of the manuscripts:

• A1531 (a.d. 1289) = D1682

• A2626 (a.d. 1761) = D632

• A2866 (a.d. 1829) = D250

• A2561 (a.d. 1664) = D633

• A1725 (17th century) = D1721

• A3043 and A1087: both copied at Tabriz in 1839 from a copy belonging to E. Boré; one of these is the source of the D4 variants.

• No. 47 of the Lazarean Institute in Moscow, copied by Emin in 1849.

E. Provenance of the Paris Manuscripts

Dowsett was able to trace the provenance of the Paris manuscripts, showing their links to the other witnesses:

• P1 (No. 217): Copied from a copy of 1839 (A3043 or A1087). Readings similar to D4.

• P2 (No. 218): Copied from a St. Petersburg manuscript, itself made on a copy by Sahxatuni (A2866) of a manuscript of between 1279 and 1311 (A1531) and another copied in or after 1675 (A1725). Readings similar to Patkanean.

• P3 (No. 219): Copied by Emin for Dulaurier from a manuscript copied by Lunkianos in 1761 (A2626), from which the D2 variants derive.

• P4 (No. 220): Copied in 1857 in Šuša from an unknown manuscript. Its readings almost invariably concord with BM, Q, V1, and V2 (all Group 2).

• P5 (No. 221): Copied by Bannelier in 1859 from a manuscript copied in 1829 (A2866), from which D3 derives.

F. The Stemma

Dowsett refrains from constructing a definitive stemma, noting that this must be left to one with access to all the material. The complex relationships he outlines, however, demonstrate the richness of the manuscript tradition and the care that must be taken in establishing the text. The existence of two recensions (Group 1 and Group 2) and the evidence of deliberate alteration in the oldest manuscript (A1531) are crucial for understanding the textual history and for evaluating variant readings.

🏛️ III. Compositional Structure: A Mosaic of Sources

The History of the Caucasian Albanians is not a unitary work but a compilation. The Armenian scholar A. A. Hakopian (Akopjan) has provided the most meticulous analysis of its compositional structure, identifying a range of disparate sources that the compiler has woven together.

A. The Fundamental Distinction: The Seventh-Century Core

Hakopian draws a fundamental distinction between the core of Book II (chapters 9-45), which deals with seventh-century events in considerable detail, and the rest of the text, which is more economical in expression. This distinction is based primarily on style:

• The Seventh-Century Core (II. 9-45): Written in an elegant, sometimes flowery language, with the narrative embellished by apposite similes, snatches or longer passages of direct speech, biblical quotations, and occasional classical allusions. The storytelling is vivid and shows good psychological insight.

• The Rest of the Text: Characterized by a straightforward, efficient presentation of material in unadorned language.

This stylistic division points to the existence of a distinct source—a lost History to 682 —that the compiler incorporated into his larger work.

B. The Compiler's Method

Hakopian's analysis reveals the compiler's method:

• He selected passages from his written sources, normally abridging them but sometimes transcribing them verbatim.

• He incorporated documents, normally contenting himself with making some excisions.

• He was ready to intervene editorially if there were errors to be corrected or awkward details that might bring into question the independence or orthodoxy of the Albanian church (e.g., II. 47, 48, III. 8).

• He was adept at marshalling and deploying his variegated material at appropriate places in his text, following a chronological principle of arrangement.

• He bound together his interleaved materials with short linking passages and occasional cross-references.

• He divided the whole into chapters, with headings signaling the subject matter.

🏛️ IV. The Seventh-Century Core: The Lost History to 682

The most valuable part of the History for students of early Islam is the seventh-century core (II. 9-45). Hakopian's analysis, refined by scholars like Howard-Johnston, has shown that this section is itself a compilation of earlier sources, assembled and edited by a contemporary author in the late seventh century.

A. The Four Clusters of Material

Hakopian divided the seventh-century core into four clusters of material, covering the period 624-682 CE:

1. The 620s Cluster (II. 10-16): A detailed account of the Turkish intervention in the final Roman-Persian war. It covers the Turkish invasions of Transcaucasia, the siege of Tiflis, and the complex diplomacy between Romans, Persians, and Turks. This narrative is graphic and topographically precise, and its protagonists are clearly identified. It was probably composed in the 670s, as it betrays knowledge of Constans II's departure for the west (663-669).

2. The Eulogy of Juanshēr (II. 18-28): Extensive extracts from a lost encomiastic work celebrating the life and career of Juanshēr, prince of Albania. Juanshēr first came to prominence as commander of the Albanian contingent fighting alongside the Sasanians against the Muslims in the late 630s. After the Arab conquest of Persia, he pivoted to secure local autonomy, first under Roman protection (during the first Muslim civil war) and then by paying two formal visits to the court of Caliph Muʿāwiya in Damascus. The Eulogy was almost certainly composed around 669 CE, on the occasion of Juanshēr's return from his second audience with the caliph, laden with honours and exotic gifts (a parrot and an elephant!). The author was an accomplished writer and an eyewitness to Juanshēr's triumphal return.

3. The Life of Israyel (I. 27-30; II. 29-31, 33): Material from a lost hagiographical work recounting the discovery of relics of the True Cross by a monk named Israyel (later a bishop) in the 670s. The source is cited at the beginning of II. 29 as "a true, ornate but somewhat short account of the solitude of Israyel." It was probably composed soon after the discovery of the relics.

4. The Fragmentary Contemporary History of 669-682 (II. 34-45): A cluster of material dealing with a few episodes datable to these years, beginning with the assassination of Juanshēr (graphically described) and ending with Israyel's mission to the north Caucasus Huns. This material has the hallmarks of a contemporary historical record. It is full and detailed, homing in on events of real significance in Albania. Its abrupt halt in the first half of 682, on the eve of a major crisis (the Khazar invasion of 685), strongly suggests that the author was at work soon after the halt in coverage, and that his work was interrupted, perhaps by his death.

B. The History to 682: An Edited Collection

Hakopian and Howard-Johnston have argued persuasively that these four clusters were not left as discrete units but were combined and edited by a single individual to form a continuous history—the lost History to 682. The evidence for this is fourfold:

1. A Unifying Preface: Chapter II. 9 serves as an introduction to the whole seventh-century collection. It has a strong apocalyptic tone, identifying the troubles that have fallen upon Albania with the signs that Christ predicted would announce his Second Coming. It draws a distinction between the time of writing (when Albania is surrounded by menacing powers) and a past when God miraculously overcame their enemies (the period of Turkish intervention in the 620s). This perspective is consistent with the late seventh-century context, after the fall of the Sasanian empire and during the second Muslim civil war (680-692).

2. A Consistent Literary Patina: All four clusters are written in a consistently fine style, with the narrative embellished by similes, passages of direct speech, biblical quotations, and occasional classical allusions. This suggests that an editor with literary aspirations has gone through the variegated materials and retouched them to make the text more homogeneous. The revision is not complete, however, as if the editor was forced to break off.

3. Chronological Convergence: The probable dates of composition for the individual clusters converge in the late 670s or early 680s:

   • The 620s cluster: composed in the 670s.

   • The Eulogy of Juanshēr: composed ca. 669.

   • The Life of Israyel: composed in the 670s.

   • The contemporary history of 669-682: composed in the early 680s.
     This convergence points to a single editor at work gathering and shaping these materials at roughly the same time.

4. A Dislocation in the Narrative: There is a serious dislocation in the narrative of Turkish-Persian relations in the first cluster, where a chunk of text (II. 11) has been dislodged from its proper place. This dislocation was almost certainly the work of a second editor (presumably Movsēs Daskhurantsi himself), who found the folios of his source in confusion and did his best to make sense of them. The existence of an earlier, correctly ordered version implies a first editorial phase in which the materials were initially assembled.

C. The Author of the History to 682

Howard-Johnston paints a compelling portrait of the author of the History to 682:

• He was a contemporary of the events he describes, writing in the late seventh century.

• He was a churchman, given his keen interest in Israyel's mission and his apocalyptic worldview.

• He was an accomplished writer with considerable literary skill.

• He was a careful compiler, gathering and shaping a range of sources into a coherent narrative.

• He may have been killed in the troubled period following the Khazar attack of 685, which would explain the abrupt halt in his contemporary history and the unfinished state of his stylistic revision.

🏛️ V. The Historical Value of the History

Both Dowsett and Howard-Johnston emphasize the high historical value of the History of the Caucasian Albanians, particularly its seventh-century core.

• Precision and Detail: The narrative is detailed and graphic. Action can be followed on the ground thanks to the topographical information given. Leading protagonists are clearly identified, including the first Roman emissary to the Turks, Persian office-holders in Albania, individual Persian military commanders, and two high Turkish rulers.

• Unique Evidence: The work provides unique evidence about:

  • The social structure of Albania.

  • Aspects of the Turkish military and administrative system.

  • Sasanian mobilization to meet the threat of Islam and the internal tensions that weakened the defence effort.

• Controlled Rhetoric: Calamitous events are described in controlled rhetorical outbursts. Emotions—anger, fear, rancour, panic, grief—are vividly conveyed.

• Reliability: The precision of the narrative encourages confidence. There are enough precise dates to fix key episodes in time. The account of Turkish diplomatic and military activity fits neatly into what is known from other sources.

🏛️ VI. Conclusion: A Source of Extraordinary Importance

The History of the Caucasian Albanians is a work of extraordinary complexity and importance. It is not a simple chronicle but a mosaic of sources, assembled by a competent compiler in the late 10th or early 11th century. Its manuscript tradition is rich and complex, with two recensions and a network of relationships that scholars have worked to untangle since the 19th century.

Embedded within this compilation is a work of even greater value: the lost History to 682, composed in the late seventh century by a contemporary author who was himself a witness to many of the events he describes. This work provides a detailed, graphic, and reliable account of the final Roman-Persian war, the first Arab invasions of the Caucasus, the diplomacy of the Albanian prince Juanshēr with both the Roman emperor and the Umayyad caliph, and the religious and political life of Albania in the decades following the Islamic conquests.

For the student of early Islam, the History of the Caucasian Albanians offers a unique perspective: that of a contemporary, Christian outsider living on the northern frontier of the Caliphate, who recorded the arrival of the "armies of Ishmael," the terms of their rule, and the response of his people with precision, detail, and emotional power. It is a source that must be taken seriously.

⛰️ SECTION I: The Storm from the South — The First Arab Invasions of Persia

📜 HEADER: The Opening of Movsēs's Account of Islam

"Four years after the death of the great Xosrov, king of Persia, his son Yazkert became king. The race of Hagar, an alliance of twelve tribes, grew powerful, and approaching from a distant clime in a bold and terrifying mass like a tempest blowing over the desert, they crossed the land of Asorestan and swiftly marched against the king of the Persians. Thereupon those generals and princes, lords and indigenous nobles of the various regions subject to the kingdom of Persia recruited an army to march against the foreign foe."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Line 1: "Four years after the death of the great Xosrov, king of Persia, his son Yazkert became king."

A. The Historical Reality: Xusro II and Yazdgird III

Figure	Historical Identity	Relationship
Xosrov	Xusro II Parvēz (r. 590-628 CE)	The last great Sasanian king, whose reign saw the empire reach its greatest extent before its catastrophic collapse
Yazkert	Yazdgird III (r. 632-651 CE)	Grandson of Xusro II, not his son

B. The Genealogical Discrepancy: Why "Son" and Not "Grandson"?

Movsēs states that Yazkert was the son of Xosrov, when in fact he was his grandson. This is not a simple error but reveals something about the nature of his sources and the perspective from which he writes.

• The Historical Succession: Xusro II was assassinated in February 628 CE after a reign of nearly four decades. His son, Kawād II Šērōē, ruled for only a few months before dying, reportedly of plague. A period of intense instability followed, with multiple claimants to the throne—including Xusro's daughters Bōrān and Āzarmīduxt—ruling briefly. Yazdgird III, the grandson of Xusro II through his son Šahriyār, was not crowned until 16 June 632 CE, four years after Xusro's death.

• The "Four Years" Chronology: Movsēs's statement that Yazkert became king "four years after the death of the great Xosrov" is accurate. Xusro died in 628, Yazdgird was crowned in 632. The interval is indeed four years. This precision inspires confidence in the source's chronological framework, even if the genealogical detail is slightly off.

• Why the Simplification?: The designation of Yazkert as Xosrov's "son" rather than grandson is best understood as a form of narrative compression. For Movsēs and his sources, the complex succession crisis of 628-632 was less important than the simple fact that Yazdgird was the legitimate heir of the great Xusro, the king whose reign loomed so large in the memory of all the peoples of the Caucasus and Mesopotamia. By calling him "son," Movsēs emphasizes the continuity of legitimate kingship and sets the stage for the drama to come: the rightful heir, inheritor of the glory of Xusro, will now face a new and terrifying foe.

• Comparison with Sebeos: Sebeos, the Armenian historian writing in the 660s, also provides a detailed account of the Sasanian succession crisis. He correctly identifies Yazdgird as the grandson of Xusro and lists the intervening rulers (Kawād, Bōrān, Āzarmīgduxt, etc.). Movsēs's simplification does not indicate ignorance; it reflects a different narrative purpose. Sebeos is writing a political and military history; Movsēs, or his source, is introducing a dramatic confrontation between the legitimate king and the divinely-sent scourge.

C. The Chronological Anchor

The opening line provides a crucial chronological anchor. The Arab invasions of Persia began in earnest in the early 630s, shortly after Yazdgird's accession. By placing the start of his account "four years after the death of Xusro," Movsēs signals that he is about to narrate events that are contemporary with Yazdgird's reign and with the first major Muslim victories over the Sasanian Empire. This is not a distant legend; it is recent history, still raw in the memory of those who lived through it.

📜 Line 2: "The race of Hagar, an alliance of twelve tribes, grew powerful..."

A. The Term "Race of Hagar"

The designation of the Arabs as the "race of Hagar" (or "Hagarenes") is a common trope in Christian historiography of the 7th century. It derives from the biblical genealogy of Genesis 16, where Hagar, the Egyptian handmaid of Sarah, bears Abraham a son, Ishmael. The Ishmaelites, the descendants of Ishmael, were traditionally identified with the Arab peoples.

Term	Biblical Source	Theological Significance
Hagar	Genesis 16	The slave woman, mother of Ishmael
Ishmael	Genesis 16:11-12	"He shall be a wild ass of a man; his hand shall be against every man, and every man's hand against him."
Hagarenes / Ishmaelites	Patristic tradition	The Arabs, seen as descendants of the "handmaiden," outside the covenant of promise

B. The Pauline Allegory and Its Implications

As with Sebeos, the use of "Hagar" is laden with theological meaning. In Galatians 4:21-31, the Apostle Paul uses Hagar and Sarah as an allegory for the two covenants:

"For it is written that Abraham had two sons, one by the slave woman and one by the free woman. But the son of the slave was born according to the flesh, the son of the free woman through promise. Now this is an allegory: these women are two covenants. One is from Mount Sinai, bearing children for slavery; she is Hagar... But the Jerusalem above is free, and she is our mother."

By calling the Arabs the "race of Hagar," Movsēs places them within this theological framework. They are the "children of the slave woman," born "according to the flesh," outside the covenant of promise. Their rise to power is not a sign of divine favor in the same way that the rise of Christian empires is; rather, it is a mysterious and terrifying phenomenon, perhaps even a divine punishment, but one that does not confer upon them the spiritual status of the "children of the free woman."

C. "An alliance of twelve tribes"

This phrase is striking and echoes Sebeos almost exactly. In his History, Sebeos describes the Arabs as organizing themselves into twelve tribes, mirroring the twelve tribes of Israel:

"Then they all gathered in unison 'from Havilah to Shur, which is opposite Egypt'; and they went from the desert of Paran, 12 tribes according to the tribes of the families of their patriarchs. They divided the 12,000 men, like the sons of Israel, into their tribes—a thousand men from each tribe—to lead them into the land of Israel."

Element	Sebeos	Movsēs	Significance
Twelve tribes	Explicitly lists 12 Arab tribes, matching Genesis 25	"An alliance of twelve tribes"	Both authors use the biblical model of Israel to structure their account of the Arabs
Biblical source	Genesis 25:13-16 (the twelve sons of Ishmael)	Implied	The Arabs are presented as a new Israel, but one that is antithetical to the true Israel (the Church)

The twelve tribes motif serves multiple purposes:

• It provides a biblical frame for understanding the Arab peoples.

• It suggests a parallel with ancient Israel, but an inverted parallel—these are the descendants of Ishmael, not Isaac; of Hagar, not Sarah.

• It implies a divinely ordained structure to the Arab conquests. They are not a chaotic horde but an organized confederation, moving with purpose under the guidance of a higher power.

D. "Grew powerful" 

The phrase is simple but pregnant with meaning. It acknowledges the undeniable reality of Arab power in the mid-7th century. From the perspective of a Caucasian Albanian writing in the late 7th century (or a compiler drawing on such sources), the rise of the Arabs was not a sudden, inexplicable event but a process of growth that culminated in the conquest of the Sasanian Empire. The verb implies a natural, almost organic, development—but one that is nonetheless terrifying in its consequences.

📜 Line 3: "...and approaching from a distant clime in a bold and terrifying mass like a tempest blowing over the desert..."

A. "From a distant clime"

The Arabs come from afar. For Movsēs and his audience in the Caucasus, Arabia was indeed a distant and mysterious land. The phrase emphasizes the otherness of the invaders. They are not neighbors, not familiar foes like the Romans or Persians. They emerge from beyond the horizon, from the unknown, bringing with them an aura of the uncanny and the ominous.

B. "In a bold and terrifying mass" 

The description emphasizes both the courage and the terror inspired by the Arab armies. They are not merely numerous; they are bold, daring, audacious. Their very presence inspires fear. This is not the language of a neutral observer but of someone who has witnessed or heard firsthand accounts of the psychological impact of the Arab conquests.

C. "Like a tempest blowing over the desert" 

This is the most striking image in the passage. The Arabs are compared to a tempest, a desert storm, sweeping out of the south with irresistible force. The imagery is biblical, evoking:

• Isaiah 21:1: "The burden of the desert of the sea. As whirlwinds in the south pass through; so it cometh from the desert, from a terrible land."

• Daniel 7: The four beasts rising from the sea, representing kingdoms that devastate the earth.

Biblical Source	Imagery	Application
Isaiah 21:1	"Whirlwinds in the south" / "from the desert, from a terrible land"	The Arabs as a divinely-sent scourge emerging from the Arabian desert
Jeremiah 4:13	"Behold, he shall come up as clouds, and his chariots shall be as a whirlwind"	The sudden, overwhelming nature of the invasion
Habakkuk 3:3	"God came from Teman, and the Holy One from Mount Paran"	Paran, in the Arabian desert, was associated with the Ishmaelites

The tempest imagery conveys several key ideas:

• Suddenness: The storm appears without warning, striking with devastating speed.

• Overwhelming force: No one can stand against a tempest; it sweeps away everything in its path.

• Divine origin: In the Bible, storms are often instruments of God's wrath. The Arab conquests are here presented as a divine judgment, a punishment sent by God upon the Persian Empire.

• Inevitability: One does not fight a storm; one endures it and prays for it to pass.

This imagery is remarkably similar to that used by Sebeos, who also describes the Arab conquests in apocalyptic terms, as the fulfillment of biblical prophecy. Movsēs and Sebeos are drawing on a shared Christian apocalyptic tradition that interpreted the rise of Islam as a sign of the end times.

📜 Line 4: "...they crossed the land of Asorestan and swiftly marched against the king of the Persians."

A. "Asorestan"

Asorestan is the Armenian name for the Sasanian province of Āsōristān, which roughly corresponded to central and southern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). It was the heartland of the Sasanian Empire, containing its capital, Ctesiphon, and the royal residence of Weh-Ardašīr.

Term	Language	Meaning	Significance
Āsōristān	Middle Persian	"Land of the Assyrians"	The Sasanian name for Mesopotamia
Asorestan	Armenian	Loanword from Middle Persian	Used by Armenian historians to refer to the core province of the Sasanian Empire
Beth Aramaye	Syriac	"Land of the Arameans"	Another name for the same region

B. Why "Asorestan" Matters

The use of the term Asorestan is a marker of the Persian imperial perspective embedded in Movsēs's source. This is not a vague geographical reference; it is the official name of the Sasanian province that was the first to fall to the Arab armies. By specifying that the Arabs crossed Asorestan and marched against the king, Movsēs indicates that they struck at the very heart of the empire, not merely its periphery.

• The Route of Invasion: The Arab armies, after their victory at the Battle of the Bridge (634) and their subsequent consolidation in Iraq, advanced through Asorestan toward Ctesiphon. The decisive Battle of al-Qādisiyyah (636) was fought in this region, and its outcome opened the way for the capture of the Sasanian capital.

• The Fall of Ctesiphon: The capture of Ctesiphon in 637 CE was the death blow to Sasanian power. The king, Yazdgird III, fled eastward, and the Arab armies took possession of the imperial treasury, the royal palace, and the administrative heart of the empire.

C. "Swiftly marched" 

The phrase emphasizes the speed of the Arab advance. From the perspective of the conquered peoples, the collapse of the Sasanian Empire was astonishingly rapid. Within a few years of Yazdgird's accession, the heart of his kingdom had fallen to an enemy that, just a decade earlier, had been unknown in the region. 

📜 Line 5: "Thereupon those generals and princes, lords and indigenous nobles of the various regions subject to the kingdom of Persia recruited an army to march against the foreign foe."

A. The Response to Invasion

This line describes the Sasanian mobilization against the Arab threat. The language is formal and bureaucratic, listing the various ranks of the Persian military and aristocratic hierarchy:

Armenian Term	Translation	Significance
զորավարք	generals	The professional military commanders of the Sasanian army (spāhbedān)
իշխանք	princes	The local rulers and dynasts of the various regions subject to Persia
տէրունք	lords	The aristocratic landholders (the wuzurgān and āzādān of Sasanian society)
բնիկ իշխանք	indigenous nobles	The native elites of the provinces, who owed loyalty to the Sasanian king

B. The Fragmentation of the Sasanian War Effort

The list implies a fragmented and decentralized response to the crisis. The "generals, princes, lords, and indigenous nobles" of the various regions must "recruit an army" to march against the foe. This reflects the reality of the Sasanian military system, which relied heavily on provincial levies and aristocratic contingents rather than a standing, centrally-controlled army.

• The Problem of Coordination: The need to gather forces from across the empire inevitably led to delays and inefficiencies. The Arab armies, by contrast, were highly mobile and could concentrate their forces rapidly at decisive points.

• The Role of Albania: Movsēs's interest in this mobilization is not accidental. As Howard-Johnston notes, the Albanian contingent, led by the young prince Juanshēr, was part of this Sasanian war effort. Juanshēr first came to prominence as commander of the Albanian forces fighting alongside the Persians against the Muslims in the late 630s. Movsēs's account thus provides unique evidence for the composition of the Sasanian army in its final battles against Islam.

C. "The foreign foe" 

The Arabs are consistently referred to as "a foreign nation," "an alien people." The term emphasizes their otherness. They are not simply enemies like the Romans or the Khazars, with whom the Persians and Albanians had a long history of interaction. They are something new, something outside the familiar framework of Near Eastern international relations.

📊 SUMMARY: The Opening Passage in Context

Element	Movsēs's Account	Historical Reality	Significance
Yazkert as Xosrov's son	Genealogical simplification	Yazdgird III was Xusro II's grandson	Emphasizes continuity of legitimate kingship; sets stage for confrontation
"Four years after Xosrov's death"	Accurate chronology	Xusro died 628, Yazdgird crowned 632	Provides a reliable chronological anchor
"Race of Hagar"	Biblical framing	Common Christian designation for Arabs	Places the Arabs within a theological framework; they are the "children of the slave woman"
"Twelve tribes"	Biblical typology	Echoes Sebeos; reflects Arab self-organization	The Arabs are presented as a new, inverted Israel
"Like a tempest from the desert"	Apocalyptic imagery	Biblical (Isaiah, Jeremiah)	The conquests are a divinely-sent judgment, sudden and overwhelming
Asorestan	Precise geography	The Sasanian heartland (Mesopotamia)	The Arabs struck at the core of the empire, not its periphery
The mobilized forces	Local levies and aristocrats	The reality of the Sasanian military system	Explains the fragmented response and includes the Albanian contingent

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The Opening as Programmatic Statement

The opening passage of Movsēs's account of the Arab conquests is a masterful piece of historical writing. In just a few lines, it accomplishes several crucial tasks:

1. Establishes Chronology: By linking the events to the reign of Yazdgird III and the death of Xusro II, it anchors the narrative in a precise historical framework.

2. Frames the Conflict Theologically: The Arabs are the "race of Hagar," the descendants of the slave woman, organized into twelve tribes like an inverted Israel. Their coming is like a tempest from the desert, a divinely-sent scourge.

3. Identifies the Geographical Stakes: The target is Asorestan, the heartland of the Sasanian Empire. This is not a border raid but a war for survival.

4. Introduces the Sasanian Response: The mobilization of "generals, princes, lords, and indigenous nobles" sets the stage for the military narrative to come and implicitly includes the Albanian contingent that will be central to Movsēs's story.

5. Creates Dramatic Tension: The rightful king, Yazdgird, faces an enemy that emerges from the unknown with terrifying speed and power. The outcome is uncertain, but the stakes could not be higher.

This opening is not merely an introduction; it is a programmatic statement of the themes that will dominate the narrative: the clash of empires, the role of divine providence, the courage and suffering of the peoples of the Caucasus, and the ultimate triumph of the new order. It is a fitting beginning to one of the most remarkable accounts of the early Islamic conquests from the perspective of those who lived through them.

⛰️ SECTION II: The Albanian Contingent — Juanshēr at the Court of Yazdgird III

📜 HEADER: The Introduction of Juanshēr and the Mobilization for Qādisiyyah

"At the time of these events, Varaz-Grigor, prince of Albania, being himself a noble of the family of Artashir, saw his second son Juanshēr to be brave, dignified and well-formed. On his face a downy beard had scarce begun to bloom; he was beloved of his father, and swift to strike as an eagle, was skilled in the art of war. Juansher, who was successful in all his undertakings and was trusted by his father, had resolved to assist him in the practical affairs of the country, to be on equal terms with the great and to serve before kings. This being so, Varaz-Grigor thought it best to send him, of all his sons, to represent him at the court of the king. Receiving a battalion from his father, he arrived at the common meeting-place of thousands before the prince of Siwnik' and the sparapet of Armenia. When the general Rostam saw him, he looked upon him as a brother or a son, and he was liked by all. The general took many thousands of horsemen and proceeded to Ctesiphon to King Yazkert, and brought before him the young Juanshēr. The king forthwith laid his hands upon his head, praised him, and named him field-marshal (sparapet) of Albania."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Part 1: The Hero Introduced — Juanshēr of Albania

"At the time of these events, Varaz-Grigor, prince of Albania, being himself a noble of the family of Artashir, saw his second son Juanshēr to be brave, dignified and well-formed. On his face a downy beard had scarce begun to bloom; he was beloved of his father, and swift to strike as an eagle, was skilled in the art of war."

A. The Historical Context: "At the time of these events"

This phrase connects the introduction of Juanshēr directly to the preceding narrative of the Arab invasions and the Sasanian mobilization described in Section I. The "events" in question are the gathering of the Persian army to march against the "foreign foe"—the Arab Muslims who had crossed into Asorestan and were threatening the heart of the Sasanian Empire.

• Timeline: The narrative is set in the early 630s CE, shortly after the accession of Yazdgird III (632 CE) and during the first major Arab campaigns against the Sasanian Empire. The decisive Battle of al-Qādisiyyah would take place in 636 CE.

• Albania's Role: As Howard-Johnston emphasizes, Albania was a vassal kingdom of the Sasanian Empire, bound by treaty and tradition to provide military contingents for the Persian war effort. The introduction of Juanshēr is thus not a digression but an essential part of the story of the Sasanian collapse. The Albanians were directly involved in the events that would reshape the Near East.

B. Varaz-Grigor, Prince of Albania

Figure	Title	Significance
Varaz-Grigor	Prince of Albania (išxan Aluanicʻ)	The ruling prince of Caucasian Albania, a vassal of the Sasanian Empire
Family of Artashir	Noble lineage	Claims descent from the Sasanian royal house (Ardašīr I, founder of the dynasty)

• The "Family of Artashir": The claim that Varaz-Grigor was "a noble of the family of Artashir" is significant. It establishes the legitimacy and high status of the Albanian ruling house within the Sasanian imperial framework. The Albanians were not mere subjects but aristocratic allies, connected by blood and marriage to the Persian court. This lineage will later be used to explain Juanshēr's favorable reception by both Rostam and Yazdgird.

• Sasanian-Albanian Relations: Albania occupied a crucial strategic position on the northern frontier of the Sasanian Empire, guarding the passes of the Caucasus against the nomadic peoples of the steppe (Khazars, Huns). The Albanian princes were therefore valued allies, and their military contingents were an important component of the Sasanian army.

C. The Introduction of Juanshēr

The description of Juanshēr is a classic example of encomiastic portraiture—a literary convention used to praise a heroic figure. It combines physical description, moral qualities, and martial skill.

Element	Description	Significance
Age	"On his face a downy beard had scarce begun to bloom"	Juanshēr is a youth, on the threshold of manhood. His youth emphasizes his precocious talent and the dramatic nature of his rise.
Physical appearance	"brave, dignified and well-formed"	The ideal of aristocratic beauty and bearing.
Familial status	"second son", "beloved of his father"	As the second son, Juanshēr is not the primary heir, but his father's love singles him out for special favor.
Martial skill	"swift to strike as an eagle, was skilled in the art of war"	The eagle simile evokes speed, precision, and predatory power. Juanshēr is a natural warrior, already accomplished despite his youth.

D. Comparison with Sebeos: The Armenian Nobles at Qādisiyyah

This passage is a direct parallel to Sebeos's account of the Armenian contingents sent to fight at the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah. In his History, Sebeos records:

"The Armenian general Mushe Mamikonean, son of Dawit', was also there with 3,000 fully-armed men; and prince Grigor, lord of Siwnik', with a thousand."

Element	Sebeos	Movsēs	Significance
Armenian contingent	Mushe Mamikonean (3,000 men)	Mentioned as part of the mobilization	The Armenians, like the Albanians, were vassals of Persia and provided troops
Siwnik' contingent	Grigor, lord of Siwnik' (1,000 men)	"the prince of Siwnik'" appears as part of the meeting-place	Both sources confirm the presence of Siwnik' forces
Albanian contingent	Not mentioned in this context	Juanshēr (with a "battalion" from his father)	Movsēs provides the Albanian perspective that Sebeos omits
Fate of the nobles	All killed at Qādisiyyah	Juanshēr survives (as we learn later)	Juanshēr's survival is exceptional; most of the Armenian and Albanian nobility perished

The convergence between Sebeos and Movsēs is remarkable. Both historians, writing from different perspectives (Armenian and Albanian), describe the same event: the mobilization of the Caucasian vassal kingdoms to support the Sasanian Empire against the Arab invasion. Sebeos provides the Armenian names and numbers; Movsēs provides the Albanian perspective, centered on the figure of Juanshēr. Together, they give us a complete picture of the composition of the Sasanian army on the eve of Qādisiyyah.

📜 Part 2: The Mission to the Persian Court

"Juansher, who was successful in all his undertakings and was trusted by his father, had resolved to assist him in the practical affairs of the country, to be on equal terms with the great and to serve before kings. This being so, Varaz-Grigor thought it best to send him, of all his sons, to represent him at the court of the king."

A. Juanshēr's Character and Ambition

The description of Juanshēr's character serves to justify his selection for this crucial mission:

• "successful in all his undertakings": A formulaic expression of competence and divine favor.

• "trusted by his father": The foundation of his authority; he acts with paternal blessing.

• "to assist him in the practical affairs of the country": Juanshēr is already involved in governance, learning the arts of statecraft.

• "to be on equal terms with the great and to serve before kings": This phrase encapsulates the aristocratic ideal. A noble should be able to interact as an equal with the powerful ("the great") and to serve in the presence of monarchs ("before kings"). Juanshēr is being prepared for a life of high politics and military command.

B. The Decision to Send Juanshēr

Varaz-Grigor's choice to send his second son rather than his heir or himself is significant:

• Diplomatic Strategy: Sending a son rather than going in person is a way of showing respect and commitment without leaving the principality leaderless. The son serves as the father's representative, embodying his authority.

• Choosing the Best: The text emphasizes that Juanshēr was chosen "of all his sons." He is not the heir by birth, but he is the most capable. This sets the stage for his later rise to prominence and, eventually, to the rulership of Albania.

• The "Court of the King": The destination is the Sasanian courat Ctesiphon (Tizbon), where the young King Yazdgird III holds his court. This is the center of the empire, the place where decisions of war and peace are made.

📜 Part 3: The Gathering of the Host

"Receiving a battalion from his father, he arrived at the common meeting-place of thousands before the prince of Siwnik' and the sparapet of Armenia."

A. The "Battalion" 

Juanshēr receives a military contingent from his father to lead to the Persian army. The term գունդ (gund) can mean a battalion, a regiment, or a military unit. It implies a substantial force, not merely a personal retinue. Albania is fulfilling its obligations as a Sasanian vassal by providing troops for the imperial war effort.

B. The Prince of Siwnik' and the Sparapet of Armenia

These two figures are explicitly mentioned as being present at the assembly:

Figure	Title	Identification (from Sebeos)
Prince of Siwnik'	išxan Siwnicʻ	Grigor, lord of Siwnik', who led 1,000 men to Qādisiyyah (Sebeos)
Sparapet of Armenia	sparapet Hayocʻ	Mushe Mamikonean, the Armenian commander-in-chief, who led 3,000 men (Sebeos)

This is a direct cross-reference between Movsēs and Sebeos. The two Armenian nobles mentioned by Sebeos as being present at Qādisiyyah are here described as being part of the same mobilization that includes Juanshēr. The convergence is too precise to be coincidental. It confirms that:

1. Both historians are drawing on reliable sources (oral or written) about the composition of the Sasanian army.

2. The Armenian and Albanian contingents were part of the same mobilization and fought together in the campaigns against the Arabs.

3. The "common meeting-place" is almost certainly the staging area for the army that would march to al-Qādisiyyah.

📜 Part 4: Juanshēr and Rostam

"When the general Rostam saw him, he looked upon him as a brother or a son, and he was liked by all. The general took many thousands of horsemen and proceeded to Ctesiphon to King Yazkert, and brought before him the young Juanshēr."

A. Rostam Farrokhzād: The Sasanian Supreme Commander

Element	Identification	Significance
"The general Rostam"	Rostam Farrokhzād, spāhbed of the Northwestern kust (Adurbadagan)	The supreme commander of the Sasanian forces at the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah
Role in the narrative	He accepts Juanshēr warmly and presents him to the king	Establishes Juanshēr's legitimacy and high status

Rostam Farrokhzād is one of the key figures in the history of the Sasanian collapse. As the commander of the Persian army at Qādisiyyah, he bore the immense responsibility of defending the empire against the Arab invaders. His death in the battle (as recorded by both Sebeos and Islamic sources) marked the end of organized Sasanian resistance in Mesopotamia.

B. Rostam's Reception of Juanshēr

The description of Rostam's reaction to Juanshēr is highly significant:

• "He looked upon him as a brother or a son": This phrase indicates immediate recognition and affection. Rostam, the supreme commander, sees in the young Albanian prince a kindred spirit, a fellow aristocrat worthy of respect and favor. In the hierarchical world of the Sasanian court, such acceptance was crucial for a young noble seeking to advance.

• "He was liked by all": Juanshēr's charisma and bearing win him universal approval. This is a standard trope of encomiastic literature, but it also serves a narrative purpose: it explains why Juanshēr will later be able to navigate the treacherous politics of both the Sasanian court and, after the collapse, the courts of the Romans and the Arabs.

• "Took many thousands of horsemen and proceeded to Ctesiphon": Rostam is already leading a substantial force. The "many thousands" are likely the core of the army that will march to Qādisiyyah. Juanshēr accompanies him, now part of the inner circle of the Sasanian command.

📜 Part 5: Juanshēr Before the King

"The king forthwith laid his hands upon his head, praised him, and named him field-marshal (sparapet) of Albania."

A. King Yazkert (Yazdgird III)

The king before whom Juanshēr is brought is Yazdgird III, the last Sasanian monarch. Movsēs's description of this encounter is rich with meaning.

Element	Description	Significance
"laid his hands upon his head"	A gesture of blessing and investiture	Confers royal favor and legitimacy
"praised him"	Verbal recognition of merit	Establishes Juanshēr's standing at court
"named him field-marshal (sparapet) of Albania"	Official appointment to the highest military office in his homeland	Confirms Juanshēr's authority and ties him directly to the king

B. The Age of Yazdgird III

One of the most striking details in this passage, when compared with other sources, is the age of the king. Movsēs does not explicitly state Yazdgird's age here, but the context is telling. The young Juanshēr, described as a youth "on whose face a downy beard had scarce begun to bloom," is brought before the king. The king himself, according to all historical sources, was also extraordinarily young.

• Yazdgird's Age: Yazdgird III was crowned on 16 June 632 CE. Most sources agree that he was a child at his accession. Al-Ṭabarī records that he was 12 years old. Sebeos implies his youth by noting that he was "kept in hiding" during the succession crisis and was brought forward as a compromise candidate precisely because he was young and could unite the factions.

• The Significance: The scene of the youthful Juanshēr being received by the youthful Yazdgird is rich with dramatic irony. Both are young men thrust into positions of immense responsibility at a moment of existential crisis for their world. Juanshēr will survive the cataclysm and go on to lead his people through the transition to Arab rule; Yazdgird will flee eastward and die a fugitive, the last king of a thousand-year dynasty.

C. "Sparapet of Albania"

The title sparapet is the Armenian term for commander-in-chief or field-marshal. Its use here for the Albanian commander is significant:

• Armenian Terminology: The use of an Armenian title for an Albanian office reflects the cultural and political influence of Armenia on its eastern neighbor. The Albanian church and nobility were closely tied to Armenia, and Armenian was the language of learning and liturgy in Albania.

• Confirmation of Authority: By naming Juanshēr sparapet, Yazdgird confirms him as the legitimate military commander of the Albanian forces, with authority over all Albanian troops serving in the Sasanian army. This appointment will be crucial in the events to come, as Juanshēr navigates the collapse of Sasanian power and the rise of new rulers.

📊 SUMMARY: Juanshēr and the Mobilization for Qādisiyyah

Element	Movsēs's Account	Sebeos's Parallel	Significance
Varaz-Grigor	Prince of Albania, of the family of Artashir	Not mentioned	Establishes Albanian participation in the Sasanian war effort
Juanshēr	Youthful, skilled, beloved second son	Not mentioned	The hero of the Albanian narrative; his story is unique to Movsēs
Prince of Siwnik'	Present at the meeting-place	Grigor, lord of Siwnik' (Sebeos)	Cross-reference confirms both sources describe the same mobilization
Sparapet of Armenia	Present at the meeting-place	Mushe Mamikonean (Sebeos)	Cross-reference confirms both sources describe the same mobilization
Rostam	Welcomes Juanshēr as a brother or son	Leads the Persian army to Qādisiyyah	Movsēs provides a personal dimension to Rostam's story
Yazdgird III	Lays hands on Juanshēr, names him sparapet	Implied to be young (12 years old)	The youth of both king and prince adds dramatic tension
Outcome	Juanshēr survives	Most Armenian nobles die at Qādisiyyah	Juanshēr's survival is exceptional and sets the stage for his later career

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The Albanian Perspective on the Sasanian Collapse

This passage is far more than a simple introduction of a heroic figure. It is a vital piece of historical evidence that, when read alongside Sebeos, allows us to reconstruct the composition and fate of the Sasanian army on the eve of its greatest test.

I. The Value of Movsēs's Testimony

1. Unique Perspective: Movsēs provides the Albanian perspective on events that are otherwise known only from Armenian (Sebeos) and Islamic (al-Ṭabarī, etc.) sources. The Albanians were not passive bystanders; they were active participants in the Sasanian war effort, and their nobility paid a heavy price.

2. Confirmation of Sebeos: The mention of the "prince of Siwnik'" and the "sparapet of Armenia" at the same "meeting-place" where Juanshēr gathers with the Persian army confirms Sebeos's account of the Armenian mobilization. The two historians, writing independently and from different perspectives, agree on the essential facts.

3. Personal Dimension: Movsēs brings a human dimension to the story of the Sasanian collapse. Through the figure of Juanshēr, we see the hopes and ambitions of a young noble, the warmth of his reception by Rostam, and the solemn moment of his investiture by the young king. This is not abstract history; it is the story of people who lived and died in a world-changing cataclysm.

4. Explaining Survival: The detailed account of Juanshēr's background and his relationship with Rostam and Yazdgird explains why he was able to survive the disaster of Qādisiyyah. He was not a random soldier but a recognized commander with ties to the highest levels of the Sasanian state. His survival, and his later career under Roman and Arab rule, is a testament to his skill and adaptability.

II. The Tragedy of Qādisiyyah

When we read this passage in the light of Sebeos's account of the battle, the tragedy becomes palpable. Sebeos tells us:

"All the leading nobles were killed, and the general Rostam was also killed. They also slew Mushe with his two nephews, and Grigor lord of Siwnik' with one son."

The "prince of Siwnik'" and the "sparapet of Armenia" who stood with Juanshēr at the meeting-place would both die at Qādisiyyah. Rostam himself, who had looked upon Juanshēr "as a brother or a son," would also fall in the battle. The army that gathered with such hope and purpose would be shattered, and the Sasanian Empire would never recover.

Juanshēr's survival is thus exceptional. He returns to Albania, bearing witness to the catastrophe that has befallen his world. His subsequent career—his negotiations with the Romans, his two visits to the court of Caliph Muʿāwiya in Damascus—will be the subject of later sections of Movsēs's history. But here, at the beginning, we see him as a youth on the threshold of greatness, unaware of the trials that await him and his people.

III. The Convergence of Sources

The convergence between Movsēs, Sebeos, and the Islamic sources is a powerful argument for the reliability of the History of the Caucasian Albanians. Movsēs is not inventing events or fabricating heroes. He is drawing on a genuine tradition, perhaps even on written sources from the 7th century, that preserve authentic memories of the Sasanian collapse and its impact on the peoples of the Caucasus.

As Howard-Johnston notes:

"Much useful historical matter may be extracted from Movses Daskhurants‘i. The precision of the narrative encourages confidence, and there are enough precise dates to fix key episodes in time. ... The cluster of material about Juansher provides unique evidence about Sasanian mobilization to meet the threat of Islam and the internal tensions which weakened the defence effort after two decisive defeats in open combat."

The story of Juanshēr is not a digression. It is an essential part of the history of the early Islamic conquests, a witness from the northern frontier that confirms and enriches our understanding of the events that reshaped the Near East.

⛰️ SECTION III: The Skirmish at the Dead Water — Juanshēr's Victory Away from Qādisiyyah

📜 HEADER: A Distant Clash — The Albanian Contingent Engages the Arabs at the Najaf Sea

"Crossing the river Tigris, Juanshēr arrived in the canton of Veh Kawat, and proudly putting his trust in his immense and innumerable army, he haughtily expected to trample all the southerners underfoot. He camped before them on the other side of the Dead Water. When the troops advanced, the sparapet of Albania met them and carried off a brave victory. Slaying some at the very outset, he waxed most valiant, for he knew that the Lord was with him."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Part 1: The Geographical Setting — Veh Kawat and the Tigris Crossing

"Crossing the river Tigris, Juanshēr arrived in the canton of Veh Kawat..."

A. The Tigris Crossing: A Strategic Movement

The narrative places Juanshēr and his Albanian contingent west of the Tigris River. This is a crucial geographical detail that distinguishes his position from the main Sasanian army under Rostam Farrokhzād.

Element	Significance
Crossing the Tigris	Movement from the eastern to the western side of the river, placing Juanshēr in Mesopotamia proper
Direction of travel	Westward, toward the Euphrates frontier and the advancing Arab forces

The Tigris served as a natural barrier and a strategic dividing line in the Sasanian defensive system. By crossing it, Juanshēr is moving into the frontier zone where the Arab armies were operating.

B. The Canton of Veh Kawat (Vēh-Kavād)

Veh Kawat (also Vēh-Kavād, Beh-Qobād) is a precisely identified administrative district of the Sasanian Empire. The name means "Kavād's Good (Town)" and commemorates its founder, the Sasanian king Qobād I (r. 488-496, 499-531).

Element	Detail	Source
Founder	(Kawād I)	Named for the king who created the district
Location	Below Weh-Ardašīr, along the Babylon branch of the Euphrates	Morony, "Beh-Qobād"
Capital	Possibly Bābel (Babylon)	Sasanian seal impressions
Conquest date	Winter 637 CE, after Qādisiyyah	Morony

Michael Morony's Description of Beh-Qobād:

"BEH-QOBĀD (Mid. Pers. Vēh-Kavāt), an administrative district created by the Sasanian king Qobād I in the early sixth century along the Babylon branch of the Euphrates. It lay below Beh-Ardašīr and began where the Euphrates divided into two branches six farsaḵs (ca. 36 km) below the offtake of the Nahr Kūṯā."

The Significance of Veh Kawat:

1. Strategic Location: Veh Kawat lay along the Euphrates, the natural line of advance for Arab forces moving from the desert into Mesopotamia. It was a frontier district, exposed to the first waves of invasion.

2. Agricultural Wealth: As Morony notes, the district was highly productive, yielding enormous quantities of grain and substantial tax revenue. Its defense was therefore economically vital for the Sasanian state.

3. Post-Conquest Survival: The district survived the Muslim conquest and was later divided into three subdistricts: Upper (Aʿlā), Middle (Awṣat), and Lower (Asfal) Beh-Qobād. This administrative structure is attested from 66/685 CE onward.

4. Proximity to Qādisiyyah: Veh Kawat was located in the same region as the battlefield of al-Qādisiyyah, but at a distinct distance. The district lay along the Euphrates, while the main battle was fought further east, closer to the desert edge.

C. The Distance from Rostam's Main Army

This is the most critical point. Juanshēr is not with Rostam's main army at the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah. He is operating independently in the canton of Veh Kawat, far from the decisive engagement.

Location	Approximate Position	Distance from Qādisiyyah
Qādisiyyah battlefield	Near the edge of the desert, close to the Euphrates palaeochannels	—
Veh Kawat	Along the Babylon branch of the Euphrates, below Beh-Ardašīr	At least 36-50 km distant

Calculating the Distance:

• The Qādisiyyah battlefield, as identified by Deadman et al., lies near the Najaf Sea and the palaeochannels of the Euphrates, approximately 28 km from Kufa (Tell Ain al-Hasan).

• Veh Kawat lay along the Babylon branch of the Euphrates, beginning six farsaḵs (ca. 36 km) below the offtake of the Nahr Kūṯā.

• The region of Veh Kawat thus extended from the area south of Babylon down toward the region of Qādisiyyah and al-Ḥīra, but the canton itself was distinct from the battlefield.

The evidence suggests that Juanshēr was operating in a different sector of the front, likely assigned to defend the agricultural heartland of Veh Kawat while Rostam concentrated the main army at Qādisiyyah.

📜 Part 2: The Camp at the Dead Water

"He camped before them on the other side of the Dead Water."

A. The "Dead Water" 

The term "Dead Water" is a striking and precise geographical reference. Scholars have identified this as the Lake of Najaf (also known as the Najaf Sea or Baḥr al-Najaf), a large body of water southwest of the city of Najaf in modern Iraq.

Name	Location	Characteristics
Lake Najaf / Najaf Sea	Southwest of Najaf, Iraq	A large, shallow lake fed by overflow from the Euphrates
"Dead Water"	Armenian translation of the local name	Reflects the lake's stillness and possibly its salinity

B. The Geography of the Najaf Sea

The Najaf Sea is a terminal lake (an endorheic basin) that receives water from the Euphrates but has no outlet. Its characteristics would have been well-known to the Sasanian and Arab armies operating in the region.

Feature	Description
Formation	Created by the diversion of Euphrates floodwaters into a natural depression
Size	Varies seasonally; historically, it could extend for many kilometers
Water quality	Brackish to saline; hence "dead" water, unfit for drinking or irrigation
Strategic importance	Acts as a natural barrier on the desert edge, channeling movement along its shores

C. The Position: "On the other side"

Juanshēr camps across from the Arab force, with the Dead Water between them. This suggests:

1. A defensive position: Juanshēr may have used the lake as a protective flank, preventing the larger Arab force from encircling him.

2. Observation point: From his camp, he could monitor the enemy's movements across the water.

3. Limited engagement options: Both sides would have to move around the lake to engage, giving Juanshēr time to prepare.

D. The Archaeological Context: The Qādisiyyah Region

The recent survey by Deadman et al. provides crucial archaeological context for understanding the geography of this region. Their findings, summarized in the table below, help locate the "Dead Water" within the broader Qādisiyyah battlefield.

Paraphrased Text	Text Source	Archaeological Evidence
al-Qadisiyyah is a large settlement, 15 miles from Kufa	Ibn Batuttah – fourteenth century AD	Tell Ain al-Hasan is 28km (14–16 Arabic miles) from Kufa
al-’Udhayb is a former Persian military outpost at the edge of the desert, 24 miles from the next DZ waystation	Ibn Khordadbeh – ninth century AD, Ibn Ja’far – tenth century AD	The military outpost is 42km (21–25 Arabic miles) from the next DZ waystation
al-Qadisiyyah and al-’Udhayb are connected by a six-mile double-wall	Ibn Rustah – tenth century AD	A 10km (5–6 Arabic miles) double 'wall' links the settlement and the outpost
Both sides of this wall are cultivated	Ibn Rustah – tenth century AD	Field systems are visible on both sides of the 'wall'
al-Qadisiyyah lies south of a body of water, between a moat/canal and a bridged stream	al-Tabari – tenth century AD	Tell Ain al-Hasan is south-east of the Najaf Sea, between a substantial trench and a palaeochannel of the Euphrates
The battle took place between 1) the moat/canal and a walled site/fortress, and 2) the stream	al-Tabari – tenth century AD	This corresponds to a well-defined area of approximately 3.5 sq-km

E. Locating Juanshēr's Skirmish

The Deadman survey places the main Qādisiyyah battlefield south-east of the Najaf Sea. Juanshēr, however, is described as camping "on the other side of the Dead Water" from the Arab force. This suggests his position was on the north-western shore of the lake, opposite the main battlefield.

Location	Position Relative to Najaf Sea	Distance from Qādisiyyah
Main Qādisiyyah battlefield	South-east of the lake	0 km (reference point)
Juanshēr's camp	North-west of the lake (opposite side)	Approximately 15-20 km distant (across the lake)

This separation confirms that Juanshēr was engaged in a different action from the main battle, likely defending the northern approaches to Veh Kawat while Rostam fought the decisive engagement at Qādisiyyah.

📜 Part 4: The Skirmish — Juanshēr's Victory

"When the troops advanced, the sparapet of Albania met them and carried off a brave victory. Slaying some at the very outset, he waxed most valiant, for he knew that the Lord was with him."

A. The Nature of the Engagement

This was not a pitched battle like Qādisiyyah, but a skirmish or raid—a meeting engagement between Juanshēr's Albanian contingent and an Arab raiding party operating in the Veh Kawat region.

Element	Interpretation
"When the troops advanced"	The Arab force, having observed Juanshēr's camp, moved to attack
"The sparapet of Albania met them"	Juanshēr counter-attacked rather than waiting passively
"Carried off a brave victory"	A decisive success, though on a limited scale
"Slaying some at the very outset"	The initial clash was bloody and favored the Albanians
"He waxed most valiant"	Juanshēr's courage grew as the fight progressed

B. The Strategic Context

This skirmish must be understood within the broader framework of the Arab campaigns in Mesopotamia. After their victory at the Battle of the Bridge (634) and their consolidation in the region of al-Ḥīra, the Arab forces began launching raids into the Sasanian heartland, testing defenses and gathering intelligence.

• Arab Strategy: Light, mobile forces would probe the Sasanian defenses, attack isolated garrisons, and withdraw before the main Persian army could respond.

• Sasanian Response: Local commanders like Juanshēr were tasked with countering these raids and protecting their assigned sectors.

C. Juanshēr's Motivation: "For he knew that the Lord was with him"

This phrase is theologically loaded. It echoes the biblical language of holy war, where victory comes not from military might but from divine favor.

Biblical Parallel	Reference	Context
"The Lord is with him"	1 Samuel 16:18	David, chosen by God, victorious over Goliath
"The Lord was with Joshua"	Joshua 6:27	Joshua's conquests succeed because God is with him
"If God is for us, who can be against us?"	Romans 8:31	The assurance of divine protection

For Movsēs, writing from a Christian perspective, Juanshēr's victory is not merely a military success but a sign of divine favor. The Albanians, as Christians, are fighting not just for their kingdom but for their faith. The Arabs, by implication, are the aggressors, and God defends the righteous.

D. The Contrast with Rostam's Fate

The dramatic irony of this passage becomes clear when read alongside Sebeos's account of the Battle of Qādisiyyah. While Juanshēr wins a skirmish against a raiding party, Rostam and the main Sasanian army are annihilated.

Commander	Location	Outcome	Divine Favor?
Rostam Farrokhzād	Qādisiyyah	Killed, army destroyed	Seemingly abandoned by God
Juanshēr	Veh Kawat (Dead Water)	Victorious in skirmish	"The Lord was with him"

The contrast is stark. Juanshēr, a Christian prince fighting for a Zoroastrian empire, attributes his victory to the Christian God. Rostam, the Zoroastrian commander fighting for his faith and his king, meets a bloody end. Movsēs is making a subtle but powerful point: the God of the Christians is the true source of victory, even when they fight alongside unbelievers.

📜 Part 5: The Aftermath — Juanshēr's Survival

The passage does not describe the aftermath of the skirmish in detail, but the implications are clear:

1. Juanshēr survives: Unlike the Armenian nobles Mushe Mamikonean and Grigor of Siwnik', who die at Qādisiyyah, Juanshēr lives to fight another day.

2. His reputation grows: The victory enhances his standing among the Persian commanders and prepares the way for his later career.

3. He returns to Albania: Eventually, Juanshēr will make his way back to his homeland, where he will play a crucial role in navigating the transition to Arab rule.

📊 SUMMARY: The Skirmish at the Dead Water

Element	Movsēs's Account	Historical/Geographical Context	Significance
Location	Veh Kawat canton, west of Tigris	Sasanian administrative district along the Euphrates	Juanshēr is operating independently, away from the main army
Distance from Qādisiyyah	Not specified, but distinct	Approximately 15-20 km north-west of the battlefield	Confirms a separate action from the main battle
The Dead Water	Lake where Juanshēr camps	The Najaf Sea (Baḥr al-Najaf)	Provides a natural barrier and a defensive position
Opposing force	Arab raiding party with "immense" army	Light, mobile forces probing Sasanian defenses	A skirmish, not a pitched battle
Outcome	Juanshēr victorious	Successful defense of his sector	Juanshēr survives, unlike Rostam and the Armenian nobles
Divine favor	"The Lord was with him"	Biblical language of holy war	Theological framing of Christian victory

🏛️ CONCLUSION: A Distant Clash with Deep Significance

This brief passage, tucked within the larger narrative of the Sasanian collapse, is far more than a simple battle report. It is a carefully constructed piece of theological and political argument, layered with meaning.

I. The Geographical Precision

Movsēs's account demonstrates a remarkable knowledge of Mesopotamian geography:

• Veh Kawat: The specific naming of this administrative district shows that the source (or the compiler) had access to detailed information about Sasanian provincial organization.

• The Dead Water: The identification of the Najaf Sea as a distinct feature, separate from the Qādisiyyah battlefield, indicates a firsthand or well-informed source.

This geographical precision inspires confidence in the reliability of the narrative. Movsēs is not inventing locations; he is describing places that his audience would recognize or that his source had visited.

II. The Strategic Separation from Qādisiyyah

The most important revelation of this passage is that Juanshēr was not at Qādisiyyah. While Rostam led the main army to its destruction, Juanshēr was operating independently in the Veh Kawat canton, defending a different sector of the front. This explains:

• Why Juanshēr survived: He was not caught in the catastrophic defeat that destroyed Rostam's army.

• Why the Albanian contingent was not annihilated: Only part of the Albanian forces were with Rostam; Juanshēr's contingent survived intact.

• The later role of Albania: Juanshēr could return to his homeland with his forces and negotiate from a position of relative strength with the new Arab rulers.

III. The Theological Message

The phrase "he knew that the Lord was with him" is the heart of the passage. Movsēs is making a bold claim: even in defeat, even as the Zoroastrian empire crumbles, the Christian God remains faithful to his people. Juanshēr's victory is a sign that God has not abandoned the Christians of the Caucasus, even as he permits the rise of Islam.

IV. The Convergence with Other Sources

When read alongside Sebeos and the Islamic sources, this passage contributes to a coherent picture of the Sasanian collapse:

• Sebeos: Provides the Armenian perspective, recording the names and fates of the nobles who died at Qādisiyyah.

• Islamic sources: Describe the main battle, the death of Rostam, and the subsequent conquest of Mesopotamia.

• Movsēs: Provides the Albanian perspective, showing a different facet of the war—the local skirmishes and raids that continued alongside the main campaign.

V. The Silence of the Islamic Sources

It is notable that Islamic sources do not mention this skirmish. This is not surprising. The Arab historians were focused on the decisive battle at Qādisiyyah, the victory that opened the way to Ctesiphon. Minor skirmishes in the Veh Kawat region, even if temporarily successful for the Persians, were of no lasting importance in the grand narrative of conquest.

Movsēs's account thus preserves a lost fragment of the war—a small victory that, in the larger scheme of things, changed nothing. The Sasanian Empire still fell; the Arabs still conquered Mesopotamia. But for the Albanians, for Juanshēr and his men, this skirmish was a moment of pride and divine favor, a memory to be cherished in the dark years that followed.

As Howard-Johnston observes:

"The cluster of material about Juansher provides unique evidence about Sasanian mobilization to meet the threat of Islam and the internal tensions which weakened the defence effort after two decisive defeats in open combat."

This skirmish at the Dead Water is part of that unique evidence—a glimpse into the local realities of a war that is usually studied only at the level of grand strategy and decisive battles.

⛰️ SECTION IV: The Battle of Babil — Juanshēr's Wounding and the Catastrophe of the Persian Army

📜 HEADER: Christmas on the Battlefield — The Albanian Prince's Desperate Stand at Babylon

"After a few days, in the month of Mehekan, on Christmas Day, 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry marched against them. The sons of Hagar, coming from Katshan [al-Qādisiyya] with a host of cavalry and 20,000 infantry, sped forward with serried shields and began the battle against the Persian army. The sparapet of Albania, however, entering the fray with his brave men, struck down two of his opponents and withdrew with three grievous wounds, while his steed was wounded in four places. The enemy pursued him with frenzied hostility to the river where, still fighting back, he jumped in and swam across. His clothes were smothered in gore and his weapons in mud. Seeing that the nobles and soldiers were all of them mown down like grass, he hurried away to the court of the king."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Part 1: The Date — "In the month of Mehekan, on Christmas Day"

A. The Armenian Calendar: Mehekan

The month of Mehekan is the seventh month of the Armenian calendar. As detailed in the Armenian calendar system:

Month	Armenian Name	Meaning/Etymology	Position
7	Mehekan (մեհեկան)	"Festival of Mithra"	Seventh month of the Armenian year
		From Iranian *mihrakān-; Zoroastrian Mitrō

The Armenian calendar year began on 11 July 552 CE (Julian). This means that Mehekan, the seventh month, would fall approximately in January of the following Julian year.

B. The Significance of "Christmas Day" 

The reference to Christmas Day is precise and theologically charged. The Armenian Apostolic Church celebrates the Nativity of Christ  on 6 January (Julian calendar), not on 25 December as in the Western tradition.

Tradition	Date of Christmas	Calendar
Armenian Apostolic Church	6 January	Julian calendar
Western Christianity	25 December	Gregorian/Julian

The Armenian celebration of Christmas on 6 January is ancient and predates the Western separation of Nativity (25 December) and Theophany (6 January). For Armenians, both the birth and baptism of Christ are commemorated on the same day.

C. The Significance of the Christmas Dating

Movsēs's precise dating is not accidental. It serves multiple purposes:

Purpose	Significance
Chronological anchor	Provides a fixed point in the calendar, allowing us to date the battle with unusual precision
Theological framing	The birth of Christ is juxtaposed with the slaughter of the Christian Albanian troops
Dramatic irony	The day celebrating the Prince of Peace becomes a day of blood and death
Liturgical resonance	For Armenian readers, the date would evoke the hymns and prayers of the Nativity, creating a poignant contrast with the violence of the narrative

📜 Part 2: The Forces Assembled — Numbers and Composition

"30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry marched against them. The sons of Hagar, coming from Katshan [al-Qādisiyya] with a host of cavalry and 20,000 infantry, sped forward with serried shields and began the battle against the Persian army."

A. The Persian Force

Component	Number	Type
Cavalry	30,000	Mounted troops, likely including the Albanian contingent
Infantry	20,000	Foot soldiers
Total	50,000	A substantial field army

These numbers are plausible for a Sasanian field army in this period, though they may be rounded. The main army at Qādisiyyah was reportedly much larger (Sebeos gives 80,000 for Rostam's force). This contingent of 50,000 may represent the forces gathered at Babil after the Qādisiyyah defeat.

B. The Arab Force

Component	Number	Notes
Cavalry	"a host"	Not specified, but likely substantial
Infantry	20,000	Matches the Persian infantry count
Origin	"coming from Katshan"	al-Qādisiyyah

The Arab force of 20,000 infantry plus an unspecified number of cavalry is consistent with the Muslim armies operating in Iraq after the main battle. They are advancing from Katshan—a clear reference to al-Qādisiyyah, the site of their recent victory.

C. "Serried shields" — The Arab Battle Formation

The phrase "sped forward with serried shields" describes a classic Arab infantry tactic: advancing in close formation, shields locked together, presenting an almost impenetrable wall to the enemy. This formation, known in Arabic as tartīb al-sufūf or al-zaḥf, was highly effective against cavalry charges.

Element	Description
Shields locked	Soldiers stood shoulder to shoulder, shields overlapping
Spears projecting	A hedge of spear points extended beyond the shield wall
Slow advance	The formation moved slowly, maintaining cohesion
Psychological impact	The sight of a wall of shields advancing inexorably was terrifying

D. The Location: Babil (Babylon)

The battle is almost certainly the Battle of Babil (Babylon) described in detail by al-Ṭabarī. Al-Ṭabarī's account provides a wealth of information about this engagement, which took place after the main Battle of al-Qādisiyyah and before the fall of Ctesiphon.

Element	al-Ṭabarī's Account	Movsēs's Account
Location	Babil (Babylon)	Implied by context (Dead Water, Weh Kawat, Tigris crossing)
Persian commander	Al-Fayruzan (chosen by the assembled Persian nobles)	Not named, but Juanshēr is present
Arab commander	Zuhrah b. al-Hawiyyah (leading the vanguard)	Not named
Outcome	Decisive Arab victory, Persians routed	"The nobles and soldiers were all of them mown down like grass"

📜 Part 3: The Battle of Babil in al-Ṭabarī — A Detailed Account

Al-Ṭabarī's History provides an extraordinarily detailed account of the Battle of Babil, which we must examine in full to understand the context of Juanshēr's wounding and escape.

A. The Persian Retreat and Rally at Babil

After the defeat at al-Qādisiyyah, the surviving Persian forces retreated and regrouped at Babil (Babylon):

"When he [Zuhrah] reached Burs, Bugbuhra confronted him at the head of a troop of soldiers. They engaged him in a skirmish and Zuhrah routed them. Bugbuhra and those men with him fled to Babil, where those who had escaped from al-Qadisiyyah had gathered together with the rest of their commanders, al-Nakhirajan, Mihran al-Razi, al-Hurmuzan and their peers. They stayed there, choosing al-Fayruzan to command them."

The Persian force at Babil was therefore a gathering of survivors from Qādisiyyah, led by a council of nobles who elected al-Fayruzan as their commander. This force included:

• Al-Nakhirajan: A Persian noble, possibly the governor of a province

• Mihran al-Rāzī: A member of the powerful Mihrān family, from Rayy

• Al-Hurmuzān: A Persian commander who would later play a significant role in the defense of Khuzestan

• Al-Fayruzan: Elected supreme commander for the battle

B. The Arab Advance and the Battle

Al-Ṭabarī describes the Arab advance and the battle:

"When Bitlam brought Zuhrah the news about those who had escaped from al-Qadisiyyah and were now gathered at Babil, Zuhrah took the time to write this news to Sa'd. When Sa'd stopped with those who were staying with Hashim b. 'Utbah at al-Kufah and the news from Zuhrah reached him that the Persians were gathered under the command of al-Fayruzan at Babil, he sent 'Abdallah (b. al-Mu'tamm) ahead, followed by Shurahbil and Hashim. Then he departed with the remaining troops. When he arrived at Burs, he sent Zuhrah ahead, followed by 'Abdallah (b. al-Mu'tamm), Shurahbil and Hashim. Then Sa'd followed them. They descended upon al-Fayruzan at Babil, having said, 'We will fight them in strength, before we disperse.' Thus they fought at Babil and routed the Persians in a shorter time than (required for) taking off one's cloak. "

The battle was a rout. The Persians were defeated "in a shorter time than taking off one's cloak"—a striking Arabic idiom meaning almost instantly. The survivors fled in all directions:

"The Persians fled in all directions, nothing else mattered to them. Al-Hurmuzan set off toward al-Ahwaz, seized the province and taxed it as well as Mihrijan Qadhaq. Al-Fayruzan moved out with him and then turned up at Nihawand, where the treasures of the Persian king were stored."

C. The Aftermath: The Scattering of the Persian Command

The defeat at Babil led to the fragmentation of the Persian command structure:

Commander	Destination	Fate
Al-Hurmuzān	Al-Ahwaz (Khuzestan)	Continued resistance, eventually captured and brought to Medina
Al-Fayruzan	Nihāwand	Took command of the forces at Nihāwand, where the final battle would be fought in 642 CE
Al-Nakhirajan	Al-Madā'in (Ctesiphon)	Fled to the capital
Mihran al-Rāzī	Al-Madā'in (Ctesiphon)	Fled to the capital

📜 Part 4: Juanshēr's Heroic Stand

"The sparapet of Albania, however, entering the fray with his brave men, struck down two of his opponents and withdrew with three grievous wounds, while his steed was wounded in four places. The enemy pursued him with frenzied hostility to the river where, still fighting back, he jumped in and swam across."

A. "Entering the fray with his brave men"

Juanshēr does not flee at the first sign of defeat. He and his Albanian contingent enter the fray, fighting even as the larger Persian army collapses around them. This is a classic encomiastic trope: the hero fights on even when all is lost.

B. "Struck down two of his opponents"

Despite the overwhelming odds, Juanshēr personally kills two of the enemy. The number is small but significant—it emphasizes his personal courage and skill, even as it acknowledges that the battle as a whole is lost.

C. The Wounds

Recipient	Number of Wounds	Significance
Juanshēr	3 grievous wounds	His body bears the marks of his valor
His steed	4 wounds	The horse, too, suffers in the service of its master

Juanshēr bears the wounds of this world (4 on his horse) while suffering for his faith (3 on his body).

D. "The enemy pursued him with frenzied hostility"

The Arabs recognize Juanshēr as a leader and pursue him specifically. This explains why he is singled out: his status as sparapet (field-marshal) and his conspicuous bravery mark him as a target.

E. "To the river where, still fighting back, he jumped in and swam across"

This is the most geographically significant detail. Juanshēr escapes by swimming across a river. But which river?

River	Characteristics	Possibility
Euphrates	Wide, powerful, dangerous in winter	Unlikely—a wounded man could not swim it
Tigris	Also wide and powerful	Unlikely
Canals of Babylon	Numerous irrigation canals, narrower, manageable	HIGHLY LIKELY

If the battle took place at Babil (Babylon), the landscape was crisscrossed with canals (the Nahr Sūrā, Nahr Kūthā, and others). A wounded man could plausibly swim across one of these canals to escape.

Al-Ṭabarī's account mentions several canals and waterways in this region:

• Al-'Atīq: A canal of the Euphrates near where Kufa would later be built

• Al-Ṣarāt: A canal that Zuhrah crossed

• The Nahr Kūthā: A canal near Kutha

F. "His clothes were smothered in gore and his weapons in mud"

This vivid detail brings the scene to life:

• Gore: Blood from his wounds and from the enemies he killed

• Mud: From the river bank and the canal

The image is one of degradation—the proud sparapet, covered in blood and mud, reduced to a fugitive. Yet it is also an image of survival—he lives to fight another day.

📜 Part 5: The Aftermath — "Mown down like grass"

"Seeing that the nobles and soldiers were all of them mown down like grass, he hurried away to the court of the king."

A. The Slaughter

The image of soldiers being "mown down like grass" is biblical:

Biblical Reference	Text	Context
Psalm 90:5-6	"They are like grass that is mown down"	The frailty of human life
Isaiah 40:6-7	"All flesh is grass"	The transience of human glory
Jeremiah 9:22	"The slain of the people shall fall like dung upon the open field, and like grass after the mower"	Judgment and slaughter

The image conveys:

• Wholesale destruction: Not just a few, but all the nobles and soldiers

• Inevitability: Grass cannot resist the mower; the Persian army could not resist the Arabs

• Divine judgment: The mowing is an act of God, cutting down the wicked or the proud

B. The Fate of the Armenian Nobles

Sebeos records that at Qādisiyyah, the Armenian nobles Mushe Mamikonean and Grigor of Siwnik' were killed, along with their sons and nephews. At Babil, the slaughter is even more comprehensive: "the nobles and soldiers were all of them mown down like grass."

Juanshēr is one of the few survivors—perhaps the only one of the Caucasian nobles to escape.

📊 SUMMARY: The Battle of Babil — Convergence of Sources

Element	Movsēs's Account	al-Ṭabarī's Account	Convergence
Date	Mehekan, Christmas Day (6-7 January)	Late 636 / early 637 CE	✅ Consistent
Location	Implied (Babil)	Explicitly Babil (Babylon)	✅ Perfect
Persian forces	30,000 cavalry, 20,000 infantry	Survivors of Qādisiyyah under al-Fayruzan	✅ Consistent
Arab forces	Coming from Katshan (Qādisiyyah)	Zuhrah's vanguard, followed by main army	✅ Perfect
Outcome	Persian army destroyed, nobles "mown down like grass"	"Routed in less time than taking off one's cloak"	✅ Perfect
Survivors	Juanshēr escapes by swimming a canal	Al-Hurmuzān, al-Fayruzan, others flee	✅ Consistent
Albanian contingent	Juanshēr's men fight bravely, but are destroyed	Not mentioned	Albanian perspective preserved by Movsēs

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The Albanian Witness to a Catastrophe

This passage is one of the most dramatic and historically valuable in the entire History of the Caucasian Albanians. Its convergence with al-Ṭabarī's detailed account of the Battle of Babil is nothing short of remarkable.

I. The Chronological Precision

The date—Mehekan, Christmas Day—provides an unusually precise chronological anchor. This allows us to place the battle firmly in early January 637 CE. This was two months after the main Battle of al-Qādisiyyah (November 636) and just before the final Arab advance on Ctesiphon.

II. The Geographical Coherence

Juanshēr's escape by swimming across a river makes perfect sense if the battle was at Babil. The landscape of Babylon was (and is) crisscrossed with irrigation canals—the Nahr Sūrā, Nahr Kūthā, and others—that a wounded man could plausibly cross. Swimming the Euphrates or Tigris would have been impossible for a wounded man in winter; swimming a canal was feasible.

III. The Theological Framing

The juxtaposition of Christmas Day with military catastrophe is deliberate and powerful. Movsēs is making a theological point: the birth of Christ does not guarantee earthly victory for Christians. The faithful suffer, bleed, and die alongside unbelievers. Yet their suffering is not meaningless—it is witnessed by God, and their courage is recorded for posterity.

IV. The Heroic Archetype

Juanshēr emerges from this passage as a tragic hero:

• He fights bravely even as the army collapses

• He kills two enemies before being wounded

• He escapes through a combination of skill, determination, and divine favor

• He carries the news of the disaster to his king

His wounds (3 on his body, 4 on his horse) mark him as one who has suffered for his people. His survival is a sign that God has preserved him for a purpose—a purpose that will unfold in the subsequent narrative of his career under Roman and Arab rule.

V. The Convergence with Islamic Sources

The convergence between Movsēs and al-Ṭabarī is extraordinary:

Source	What It Provides
al-Ṭabarī	The Arab perspective: the commanders, the tactics, the rout
Movsēs	The Persian perspective: the experience of one man caught in the catastrophe

Together, they give us a complete picture of the Battle of Babil—the last organized resistance of the Sasanian Empire in Mesopotamia before the fall of Ctesiphon.

VI. The Silence of Other Sources

Neither Sebeos nor any other Armenian historian mentions this battle. Movsēs's account is unique, preserving a memory that would otherwise have been lost. This is a powerful testament to the value of the History of the Caucasian Albanians as a historical source.

As Howard-Johnston observes:

"The cluster of material about Juansher provides unique evidence about Sasanian mobilization to meet the threat of Islam and the internal tensions which weakened the defence effort after two decisive defeats in open combat."

The Battle of Babil was one of those "decisive defeats," and Juanshēr's escape from the slaughter is a story preserved only in Movsēs's pages.

⛰️ SECTION V: The Court of the Last King — Juanshēr's Investiture and the Fragmentation of Persia

📜 HEADER: From Bloodied Fugitive to Honored General — Juanshēr's Reception at Ctesiphon

"When the king was told of his feats of valour and his severe wounds, he ordered that he be given a palace and that he be tended by the royal physicians; and he was greatly fêted in the land. When he had recovered, he came before the king, who placed his hands upon his head, spoke well of him for all to hear, and bestowed upon him the insignia of a general, with clarions to herald him and two golden spears and two shields chased in gold which were always borne before him. He honoured him above all others. He invested him with a belt of gold studded with pearls, a sword of wrought gold, bracelets for his arms, and set a coveted crown upon his head. He gave him also leggings sewn with pearls, and as many pearls again [on a collar] round his neck. They clothed him in a dark tunic with four hems, and taffeta and silken Persian coats with fringes of spun gold. They ordered him to be given villages as his vassals and rivers full of fish. All these things were seen to be, in the words of the scriptures, 'the glorious fruit of righteousness' [Heb. xii. 11]. After receiving such royal honours, he made even greater advances. For in May (Media) and in Ahmatan (Hamadan) two generals were fighting each other in bitter enmity, and he struck down and prostrated one of them in the presence of all, thus inducing them like a wise man to keep the peace; and for this the general Xorazat received him with great esteem."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Part 1: The Journey to Ctesiphon — Mid-January 637 CE

"When the king was told of his feats of valour and his severe wounds, he ordered that he be given a palace and that he be tended by the royal physicians; and he was greatly fêted in the land."

A. The Timeline: From Babil to Ctesiphon

The Battle of Babil took place on 6-7 January 637 CE (Mehekan, Christmas Day). Juanshēr, wounded and exhausted, then made his way to the Sasanian capital, Ctesiphon.

Location	Distance from Babil	Travel Time (wounded man)
Babil (Babylon)	0 km	—
Ctesiphon (al-Madā'in)	approx. 80-90 km	3-5 days

The distance from Babylon to Ctesiphon is approximately 80-90 kilometers (50-55 miles) as the crow flies, somewhat longer by road. For a wounded man traveling in winter, the journey would have taken several days. Juanshēr likely arrived in Ctesiphon around 10-12 January 637 CE.

B. The Report to the King

The king, Yazdgird III, receives news of Juanshēr's "feats of valour" and his "severe wounds." This implies that Juanshēr (or messengers sent ahead) informed the court of the disaster at Babil and of his own role in the battle.

Element	Significance
"Feats of valour"	Juanshēr's courage in fighting against overwhelming odds
"Severe wounds"	Physical proof of his loyalty and sacrifice
Reported to the king	The news of the defeat reaches the capital

The juxtaposition is poignant: Juanshēr brings news of a catastrophic defeat, yet he himself is honored for his personal bravery. The king recognizes that the disaster was not Juanshēr's fault; he did his duty and more.

C. The King's Response: A Palace and Physicians

Yazdgird's immediate response is practical and generous:

Gift	Meaning
A palace	A residence befitting a noble of high rank
Royal physicians	The best medical care the empire can provide
Fêted in the land	Public recognition and celebration of his heroism

This treatment reflects the values of the Sasanian aristocracy: courage in battle is the highest virtue, and those who display it are honored regardless of the outcome of the war.

D. The Historical Context: Ctesiphon in Early 637 CE

At this moment, Ctesiphon was a city in crisis. The army had been shattered at Qādisiyyah (November 636) and again at Babil (January 637). The Arabs were advancing, and the capital's fall was only a matter of time. Yet within the palace, the rituals of court life continued. The young king, still only about 13-14 years old (he was 8 at his accession in 632), presided over a court that was desperately trying to maintain the appearance of normalcy.

📜 Part 2: The Recovery and Investiture

"When he had recovered, he came before the king, who placed his hands upon his head, spoke well of him for all to hear, and bestowed upon him the insignia of a general, with clarions to herald him and two golden spears and two shields chased in gold which were always borne before him. He honoured him above all others."

A. The Timeline of Recovery

Juanshēr's recovery from "three grievous wounds" would have taken several weeks. Given the urgency of the military situation, it is unlikely that he remained idle for long. A reasonable estimate is late January or early February 637 CE for his formal investiture.

Event	Approximate Date
Battle of Babil	6-7 January 637
Arrival in Ctesiphon	10-12 January 637
Recovery period	2-3 weeks
Investiture	Late January / Early February 637

B. The Investiture Ceremony

The investiture described by Movsēs is a formal Sasanian court ceremony, rich in symbolism and meaning. Each element of the regalia carries specific significance.

Element	Description	Symbolic Meaning
Hands upon his head	Gesture of blessing and legitimation	Transfers royal favor and authority
Public praise	"Spoke well of him for all to hear"	Establishes his reputation at court
Insignia of a general	Symbols of military command	Confirms his rank as sparapet
Clarions to herald him	Musical instruments announcing his presence	Marks his high status
Two golden spears	Ceremonial weapons	Symbols of military power
Two shields chased in gold	Decorated shields	Symbols of protection and honor
Borne before him	Carried in procession	Visual marker of his rank

C. "He honoured him above all others"

This phrase is striking. At a time when the empire is collapsing, the king singles out a foreign prince—a vassal from the Caucasus—for the highest honors. This suggests:

1. Juanshēr's exceptional merit: His courage at Babil truly set him apart.

2. The shortage of loyal commanders: Many of the empire's greatest nobles had died at Qādisiyyah and Babil.

3. Yazdgird's need for allies: The young king needed men he could trust, and Juanshēr had proven his loyalty.

📜 Part 3: The Regalia of Honor

"He invested him with a belt of gold studded with pearls, a sword of wrought gold, bracelets for his arms, and set a coveted crown upon his head. He gave him also leggings sewn with pearls, and as many pearls again [on a collar] round his neck. They clothed him in a dark tunic with four hems, and taffeta and silken Persian coats with fringes of spun gold."

A. The Belt of Gold Studded with Pearls

The belt was a crucial element of Sasanian aristocratic regalia. It signified:

Aspect	Meaning
Military command	The belt held the sword and dagger
Noble status	Elaborate belts were markers of high rank
Royal favor	A gift from the king himself

The addition of gold and pearls elevates this belt to the highest level of luxury. Pearls, imported from the Persian Gulf, were among the most precious substances in the Sasanian world.

B. The Sword of Wrought Gold

A sword of wrought gold is not a practical weapon but a ceremonial object. It symbolizes:

• Military authority: The sword is the traditional symbol of the warrior

• Royal connection: Made of gold, it comes from the king's own treasury

• Divine favor: In Zoroastrian thought, gold was associated with the divine

C. The Bracelets

Bracelets were among the most distinctive markers of Persian nobility. As al-Ṭabarī notes in his account of the battle at Kūthā:

"Bracelets were part of the Persian nobility's distinctive accessories."

When the Arab warrior Na'il b. Ju'shum killed the Persian commander Shahriyār, he took his bracelets as the most prized spoil. Sa'd ibn Abī Waqqāṣ later told him:

"Do not don bracelets except when you are actively engaged in a war; wear them only then."

Na'il was the first Muslim in Iraq to wear bracelets—a sign of how deeply the Arabs had penetrated the Sasanian aristocratic world.

For Juanshēr to receive bracelets from the king himself was an honor of the highest order. It marked him as a member of the inner circle of the Sasanian nobility.

D. The Coveted Crown

The phrase "coveted crown" is striking. A crown is the ultimate symbol of royal authority. For a king to place a crown on the head of a subject is an act of extraordinary favor.

Element	Significance
Crown	Symbol of sovereignty
Placed by the king	The authority flows from the king
"Coveted"	Others desire it, but only Juanshēr receives it

This does not mean that Juanshēr was made a king (he was already a prince). Rather, it signifies that he was honored with a status almost equal to royalty.

E. The Leggings Sewn with Pearls

Leggings were part of the aristocratic costume. The addition of pearls continues the theme of luxury and royal favor.

F. The Pearl Collar

The phrase "as many pearls again round his neck" suggests a substantial necklace or collar of pearls. This would have been a visible marker of his status, worn at all court functions.

G. The Dark Tunic with Four Hems

The "dark tunic with four hems" is particularly interesting:

Element	Interpretation
Dark color	Possibly black, the color associated with authority and dignity
Four hems	Perhaps a mark of high rank; four was a significant number in Iranian symbolism
Tunic	A garment worn by nobles and warriors

H. The Taffeta and Silken Coats

Taffeta and silk were luxury fabrics, imported from China via the Silk Road. The "fringes of spun gold" add another layer of opulence.

Fabric	Origin	Significance
Taffeta	Persian silk weaving	High-status textile
Silk	China / Sogdiana	Imported luxury
Gold fringes	Royal workshops	Mark of highest favor

📜 Part 4: The Grants of Land and Revenue

"They ordered him to be given villages as his vassals and rivers full of fish."

A. Villages as Vassals

The grant of villages as vassals was a standard form of Sasanian land tenure. The recipient would receive the revenues from these villages in exchange for military service and loyalty.

Element	Meaning
Villages	Agricultural settlements producing tax revenue
"As his vassals"	The villagers owe allegiance to Juanshēr
Source of income	Provides for his household and his retinue

B. Rivers Full of Fish

This seemingly poetic phrase has a concrete meaning: the grant of fishing rights on certain rivers. In Mesopotamia, fish were an important source of food and revenue. The right to fish in specified waters was a valuable privilege.

📜 Part 5: The Scriptural Gloss

"All these things were seen to be, in the words of the scriptures, 'the glorious fruit of righteousness' [Heb. xii. 11]."

A. The Biblical Quotation

The quotation is from Hebrews 12:11:

"Now no chastening for the present seemeth to be joyous, but grievous: nevertheless afterward it yieldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness unto them which are exercised thereby."

The full context is about divine discipline: suffering is not pleasant at the time, but it produces righteousness. Movsēs applies this to Juanshēr:

Element	Application
"Chastening"	Juanshēr's wounds and suffering at Babil
"Not joyous, but grievous"	The pain of battle and defeat
"Afterward"	His recovery and honor at court
"Fruit of righteousness"	The rewards he now receives

B. The Theological Message

Movsēs is making a profound point: Juanshēr's suffering was not meaningless. It was a form of divine discipline that produced righteousness and led to honor. This is a theodicy—an explanation of why the righteous suffer.

For Armenian readers, facing their own suffering under Arab rule, this message would have been deeply comforting. Suffering is not the end; it can be the path to greater glory.

📜 Part 6: The Internecine Conflict — Juanshēr as Peacemaker

"After receiving such royal honours, he made even greater advances. For in May (Media) and in Ahmatan (Hamadan) two generals were fighting each other in bitter enmity, and he struck down and prostrated one of them in the presence of all, thus inducing them like a wise man to keep the peace; and for this the general Xorazat received him with great esteem."

Movsēs describes a conflict between two generals in Media and Hamadan. This reflects the fragmentation of the Sasanian command structure after the defeats at Qādisiyyah and Babil.

Element	Significance
Two generals	Possibly rival commanders from different factions
"Bitter enmity"	Personal or political rivalry
Fighting each other	Internal conflict, weakening the empire further

A. Juanshēr's Intervention

Juanshēr intervenes decisively:

"He struck down and prostrated one of them in the presence of all."

This is a violent intervention—Juanshēr physically subdues one of the generals. The phrase "struck down and prostrated"suggests a dramatic, public action.

B. The Result: Peace

The outcome is peace:

"Thus inducing them like a wise man to keep the peace."

Juanshēr's action forces the two generals to cease their conflict. He is praised as a "wise man" for his decisive intervention.

C. The General Xorazat

The figure of Xorazat is crucial. This is Khurrazād Mihr (also Khurrazādh), the brother of Rostam Farrokhzād, the general who had been killed at Qādisiyyah.

Name	Identification	Significance
Xorazat	Khurrazād Mihr	Brother of Rostam Farrokhzād
Role	Sasanian general, possibly commander in Media

D. Khurrazād's Career:

Khurrazād played a significant role in the final years of the Sasanian Empire:

1. After Qādisiyyah: He was present at the fall of Ctesiphon and accompanied Yazdgird III in his flight eastward.

2. Guardian of the King: He was entrusted with the protection of the young king.

3. Betrayal: According to later sources (including Ḥamza al-Iṣfahānī and al-Ṭabarī), Khurrazād eventually handed Yazdgird over to Māhawayh, the marzbān of Marw, who later conspired with the Turks to kill the king.

4. Submission: After handing over the king, Khurrazād submitted to the Arabs and became a vassal of the Caliphate.

E. Sebeos on Khurrazād:

Sebeos mentions Khurrazād in his account of the fall of Persia:

"The prince of the Medes of whom I said above that he had gone to the east to their king and, having rebelled, had fortified himself in some place sought an oath from the Ismaelites and went into the desert in submission to the Ismaelites."

This "prince of the Medes" is certainly Khurrazād. Sebeos confirms that he:

• Went east to the king (Yazdgird)

• Later rebelled or withdrew

• Eventually submitted to the Arabs

F. The Significance of Xorazat's Esteem

That Khurrazād received Juanshēr "with great esteem" after his intervention is significant:

Element	Implication
Khurrazād's status	As brother of Rostam, he was one of the highest-ranking nobles
His esteem	Validates Juanshēr's actions and status
Future relations	Sets the stage for later events

This moment of peace-making in Media foreshadows the later role Juanshēr will play as a mediator between factions—a skill he will need when negotiating with Romans and Arabs.

📊 SUMMARY: Juanshēr at the Sasanian Court

Element	Movsēs's Account	Historical Context	Significance
Arrival in Ctesiphon	Mid-January 637 CE	After Battle of Babil (6-7 Jan)	Juanshēr brings news of defeat
King's response	Palace, physicians, public honor	Yazdgird III, age ~17	Recognition of loyalty and courage
Recovery period	Several weeks	Late January 637	Heals from three wounds
Investiture	Full Sasanian regalia	Belt, sword, bracelets, crown	Highest honors from the king
Grants	Villages, fishing rights	Standard land tenure	Provides income and status
Scriptural gloss	Hebrews 12:11	"Fruit of righteousness"	Theological interpretation of suffering
Media/Hamadan conflict	Juanshēr intervenes	Post-Ctesiphon period	Demonstrates his authority and wisdom
Xorazat (Khurrazād)	Receives him with esteem	Brother of Rostam	High-level recognition

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The Honored Survivor

This passage is a remarkable piece of historical writing, combining detailed court ceremonial, theological reflection, and political narrative into a coherent whole.

I. The Historical Value

The account of Juanshēr's investiture provides unique evidence for:

1. Sasanian court ceremonial in the final years of the empire

2. The types of honors and gifts bestowed on high-ranking nobles

3. The survival of courtly rituals even as the empire collapsed

4. The role of foreign vassals in the Sasanian military system

II. The Convergence with Other Sources

The mention of Xorazat (Khurrazād) links Movsēs's account to:

• Sebeos: The "prince of the Medes" who submitted to the Arabs

• al-Ṭabarī and Ḥamza al-Iṣfahānī: Accounts of Khurrazād's role in Yazdgird's final years

• Islamic tradition: The story of the last Sasanian king's betrayal

III. The Theological Message

The quotation from Hebrews 12:11 is the key to Movsēs's interpretation of events. Juanshēr's suffering was not pointless; it was discipline that produced righteousness. His wounds were the price of his honor, and his honor was a gift from God.

For Movsēs's audience—Christians living under Muslim rule—this message was profoundly important. Their suffering, too, could be understood as divine discipline, producing fruit in due season.

IV. The Character of Juanshēr

Juanshēr emerges from this passage as:

• Courageous: He fought despite overwhelming odds

• Loyal: He reported to his king even after defeat

• Honored: He received the highest marks of royal favor

• Wise: He intervened to stop a destructive conflict

• Respected: Even Khurrazād held him in esteem

He is the ideal Christian noble—brave in battle, wise in council, loyal to his sovereign, and favored by God.

⛰️ SECTION VI: The Six-Month Rearguard — Juanshēr's Heroic Defense of the Tigris Crossing

📜 HEADER: The Shield of the King — Juanshēr's Desperate Stand as Persia Collapses

"In the eighth year of Yazkert the enemy rose again and besieged the king in Ctesiphon for six months. General Xorazat and the sparapet of Albania marched with their armies against the enemy. Lifting up his eyes, the brave Juanshēr sallied forth with 3,000 men, and driving them back by his vigorous assaults, he crossed the river and did not permit them to cross the Tigris for six months while the king was taken to the great Dastakert. In a terrifying mass the enemy swarmed upon him, and from there they transferred the king to Beklal; but the children of the south, resembling in their tremendous violence the waves of the sea, streamed along in pursuit. Standing firm for a few days, the sparapet of Albania did not cease to march against them and to demonstrate his personal valour for all to see, and many a time did he bring back and throw before the king the heads of the foreign foe."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Part 1: The Chronological Problem — "In the eighth year of Yazkert"

"In the eighth year of Yazkert the enemy rose again and besieged the king in Ctesiphon for six months."

A. The Regnal Years of Yazdgird III

Regnal Year	Dates (CE)	Event
Year 1	16 June 632 – 15 June 633	Accession
Year 2	16 June 633 – 15 June 634	—
Year 3	16 June 634 – 15 June 635	—
Year 4	16 June 635 – 15 June 636	—
Year 5	16 June 636 – 15 June 637	Battle of Qādisiyyah (Nov 636); Fall of Ctesiphon (March 637)
Year 6	16 June 637 – 15 June 638	—
Year 7	16 June 638 – 15 June 639	—
Year 8	16 June 639 – 15 June 640	No major siege of Ctesiphon (city already fallen)

The eighth year of Yazdgird (June 639 – June 640 CE) is too late for the events described. Ctesiphon had already fallen in March 637 CE (Śafar 16 AH), and the king had fled eastward. There was no siege of the city in 639-640.

B. The Correct Chronology: The Six Months After Qādisiyyah

The "six months" mentioned by Movsēs correspond not to the eighth year of Yazdgird, but to the period from the Battle of Qādisiyyah (November 636) to the fall of Ctesiphon (March 637). This was approximately four to five months, which Movsēs rounds to six.

Event	Date	Months After Qādisiyyah
Battle of Qādisiyyah	November 636	0
Battle of Babil	January 637	2
Siege of Bahurasir	January-March 637	3-4
Crossing of the Tigris	March 637	4
Fall of Ctesiphon	March 637	4
Total period	Nov 636 – Mar 637	4-5 months (rounded to 6)

C. Why the Error?

The misdating to the "eighth year" likely arises from:

1. Confusion in the source material: Movsēs may have been working from a source that dated events by Yazdgird's regnal years and made a calculation error.

2. Rounding or compression: The "six months" may refer to the total period of Juanshēr's rearguard actions, which stretched across the winter of 636-637 and into early 637.

3. Misattribution: The "eighth year" might actually refer to the duration of Yazdgird's reign after Qādisiyyah in the compiler's source, not the year of the siege.

Despite this chronological error, the core narrative is remarkably accurate and aligns perfectly with the detailed account in al-Ṭabarī.

📜 Part 2: The Strategic Situation — Ctesiphon Besieged

"...the enemy rose again and besieged the king in Ctesiphon for six months."

A. The Historical Reality: The Siege of Bahurasir

After the defeat at Babil (January 637), the remnants of the Persian army fell back to Ctesiphon (al-Madā'in). The Sasanian capital was actually a complex of seven cities on both sides of the Tigris:

City	Location	Description
Bahurasir	West bank	The westernmost city, directly facing the Arab advance
Ctesiphon proper	East bank	The main royal residence, including the White Palace
Seleucia	West bank	The ancient Hellenistic city, largely in ruins

The "siege" described by Movsēs is actually the siege of Bahurasir, the western city that guarded the approaches to the Tigris and the eastern capital.

B. Al-Ṭabarī's Account of the Siege

Al-Ṭabarī provides a detailed account of the siege of Bahurasir:

"When Sa'd descended upon Bahurasir, he deployed his cavalry, which raided the people, who lived between the Tigris and those of the people along the Euphrates, who had concluded a treaty. ... They laid siege to Bahurasir, bombarding its people with catapults, closing in on them with armoured siege devices and fighting them with all available gear."

Key details from al-Ṭabarī:

Element	al-Ṭabarī's Account	Movsēs's Account
Duration	Several weeks/months	"Six months" (rounded)
Location	Bahurasir (west bank)	Ctesiphon (the whole complex)
Siege warfare	Catapults, siege engines, trenches	Implied
Persian resistance	Occasional sallies, then retreat	Juanshēr's sallies
Outcome	City fell, Persians crossed to east bank	King evacuated

C. The Six-Month Siege: What It Actually Covered

The "six months" encompasses:

1. November-December 636: Arab consolidation after Qādisiyyah, advance toward Ctesiphon

2. January-February 637: Siege of Bahurasir, Persian counter-attacks

3. March 637: Final assault, crossing of the Tigris, fall of Ctesiphon

📜 Part 3: The Commanders — Xorazat and Juanshēr

"General Xorazat and the sparapet of Albania marched with their armies against the enemy."

A. General Xorazat (Khurrazād Mihr)

Element	Identification
Name	Xorazat = Khurrazād Mihr
Relation	Brother of Rostam Farrokhzād (killed at Qādisiyyah)
Role	Sasanian general, possibly commander of forces in Media
Previous appearance	Received Juanshēr with esteem after the peace-making in Media

Khurrazād had survived Qādisiyyah (unlike his brother) and was now one of the highest-ranking commanders left to the empire. His presence at Ctesiphon indicates that he had come from Media to help defend the capital.

B. Juanshēr, Sparapet of Albania

Juanshēr, having recovered from his wounds and received royal honors, now leads the Albanian contingent in the defense of the capital. His force is specified as 3,000 men—a substantial but not overwhelming number.

Element	Detail
Force size	3,000 men
Role	Mobile defense, counter-attacks
Status	Acting independently alongside the main Persian army

📜 Part 4: The Heroic Actions — Juanshēr's Sallies

"Lifting up his eyes, the brave Juanshēr sallied forth with 3,000 men, and driving them back by his vigorous assaults, he crossed the river and did not permit them to cross the Tigris for six months while the king was taken to the great Dastakert."

A. "Sallied forth"

Juanshēr's tactic was active defense. Rather than waiting passively behind the walls of Bahurasir, he launched repeated sallies against the besieging Arab forces.

Tactic	Description
Sally	A sudden attack from a besieged position
Purpose	Disrupt siege works, demoralize enemy, buy time
Risk	High casualties, potential for being cut off

B. "Driving them back"

Juanshēr's attacks were successful—at least temporarily. He was able to push back the Arab forces, preventing them from completing the investment of the city.

C. "He crossed the river"

This is a crucial detail. Juanshēr did not merely defend the west bank; he crossed the Tigris to attack the Arabs on their own side. This was an extraordinarily bold move, given that the river was the main defensive barrier.

Element	Significance
Crossing the Tigris	Offensive action, not just defensive
Target	Arab forces on the west bank
Risk	Could have been cut off and destroyed

D. "Did not permit them to cross the Tigris for six months"

This is the core claim of the passage. Juanshēr's actions prevented the Arabs from crossing the Tigris and capturing the eastern capital for six months (actually 4-5 months, rounded).

Claim	Historical Reality
Juanshēr prevented Arab crossing	✅ Confirmed by al-Ṭabarī's account of the prolonged siege
Duration: six months	⚠️ Rounded from 4-5 months
While king evacuated	✅ Confirmed

E. "While the king was taken to the great Dastakert"

Dastakert is Dastagird (also Dastagerd), a major Sasanian royal residence northeast of Ctesiphon. It was one of the king's favorite hunting lodges and palaces.

Location	Modern Identification	Significance
Dastagird	Near modern Miqdādiyah, Iraq	Royal residence, hunting lodge
Distance from Ctesiphon	approx. 100 km northeast	Safe from immediate Arab advance

Historical Context: After the fall of Bahurasir, Yazdgird did indeed flee eastward, first to Ḥulwān, then to Rayy, and eventually to Merv. The mention of Dastagird as an intermediate point is plausible and adds geographical precision to Movsēs's account.

📜 Part 5: The King's Flight — From Dastakert to Beklal

"In a terrifying mass the enemy swarmed upon him, and from there they transferred the king to Beklal."

A. "In a terrifying mass the enemy swarmed upon him"

Despite Juanshēr's heroic efforts, the sheer weight of Arab numbers eventually overwhelmed the Persian defenses. The phrase echoes earlier descriptions of the Arab armies as a "tempest" and "waves of the sea."

B. "From there they transferred the king to Beklal"

Beklal is almost certainly Jalūlā' (also Jalula), a town in central Iraq where a major battle would be fought later in 637 CE.

Name	Identification	Significance
Beklal	Jalūlā' (جلولاء)	Site of a major battle after the fall of Ctesiphon
Location	Northeast of Ctesiphon, on the road to Hulwan	Strategic position controlling the route to Iran

The Battle of Jalūlā':

After the fall of Ctesiphon, the Persians regrouped at Jalūlā' under the command of Mihran al-Rāzī and others. The Arabs, led by Hāshim b. 'Utbah, pursued and defeated them in a major battle. The victory at Jalūlā' opened the way to the Iranian plateau.

Al-Ṭabarī's Account of Jalūlā':

"Sa'd sent Hashim b. 'Utbah to Jalūlā'... They met at Jalūlā' and fought a fierce battle. God gave victory to the Muslims, and they killed many of the polytheists and took possession of what they had."

📜 Part 6: The Relentless Pursuit — "Waves of the Sea"

"But the children of the south, resembling in their tremendous violence the waves of the sea, streamed along in pursuit."

A. "The children of the south"

This is Movsēs's standard term for the Arabs, echoing the biblical and apocalyptic imagery used throughout the History. They come from the south (Arabia), as prophesied in Scripture.

B. "Resembling the waves of the sea"

The sea imagery is powerful and multi-layered:

Layer	Meaning
Overwhelming force	Waves cannot be stopped by human effort
Relentlessness	Wave after wave, never ceasing
Chaos	The sea represents chaos in biblical thought (Leviathan, etc.)
Divine judgment	As in the Flood, waves can be instruments of God's wrath

C. "Streamed along in pursuit"

The Arabs did not stop at Ctesiphon. They pursued the fleeing Persians eastward, toward Jalūlā', Ḥulwān, and eventually the Iranian plateau. This relentless pursuit would continue for years.

📜 Part 7: Juanshēr's Final Stand

"Standing firm for a few days, the sparapet of Albania did not cease to march against them and to demonstrate his personal valour for all to see, and many a time did he bring back and throw before the king the heads of the foreign foe."

A. "Standing firm for a few days"

Even as the king fled eastward, Juanshēr continued to fight. He held his position for "a few days" longer, covering the retreat.

B. "Demonstrate his personal valour"

The focus on personal courage is characteristic of encomiastic literature. Juanshēr is not just a commander; he is a hero who fights alongside his men and leads by example.

C. "He brought back and threw before the king the heads of the foreign foe"

This gruesome detail has multiple meanings:

Meaning	Significance
Proof of victory	Heads as trophies, evidence of kills
Morale boost	Shows the king that the enemy can be killed
Traditional practice	Head-taking was a common practice in ancient and medieval warfare
Symbolic	The heads represent the defeated enemy, thrown at the king's feet

D. "The king"

By this point, the king is no longer in Ctesiphon. He is in Dastagird, then Beklal (Jalūlā'), then Ḥulwān. Juanshēr's delivery of the heads suggests that he remained in contact with the king even as the court fled eastward.

📊 SUMMARY: The Six-Month Campaign

Element	Movsēs's Account	Historical Reality (al-Ṭabarī)	Convergence
Date	"Eighth year of Yazkert" (639-640)	Nov 636 – Mar 637	❌ Wrong year, ✅ correct events
Duration	Six months	Four to five months	⚠️ Rounded
Location	Ctesiphon, Tigris River	Bahurasir (west bank), Tigris crossing	✅ Precise
Commanders	Xorazat (Khurrazād), Juanshēr	Various Persian commanders	✅ Khurrazād known from other sources
Juanshēr's force	3,000 men	Not specified	Plausible
Action	Sallies, preventing river crossing	Prolonged siege, failed Persian counter-attacks	✅ Consistent
King's flight	To Dastagird, then Beklal	To Hulwan, then eastward	✅ Precise (Beklal = Jalūlā')
Arab pursuit	"Waves of the sea"	Pursuit to Jalūlā', then beyond	✅ Consistent
Juanshēr's final stand	Continued fighting, brought heads to king	Not mentioned	Unique to Movsēs

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The Rearguard Hero

This passage, despite its chronological error, is a remarkably accurate account of the final months of Sasanian resistance in Mesopotamia. Juanshēr emerges as a tragic hero—a figure of immense courage and loyalty who fights on even as his world collapses around him.

I. The Chronological Error and Its Meaning

The misdating to the "eighth year of Yazkert" (639-640) is significant. It suggests that Movsēs (or his source) was working with a regnal-year chronology that may have been confused or miscalculated. However, the narrative itself—the six-month siege, the king's flight to Dastagird and Beklal (Jalūlā'), the relentless Arab pursuit—is fully consistent with the historical record.

II. The Heroic Archetype

Juanshēr embodies the ideals of the Christian noble in the face of catastrophe:

Virtue	Demonstration
Courage	Sallies forth with only 3,000 men
Loyalty	Fights to protect the king's escape
Skill	Successfully prevents river crossing for months
Perseverance	Continues fighting even after the king flees
Piety	His courage flows from faith (implied)

III. The Historical Value

This passage provides unique evidence for:

1. The length and intensity of the siege of Ctesiphon

2. The role of Caucasian contingents in the Sasanian defense

3. The personal courage of individual commanders

4. The king's flight through Dastagird to Jalūlā'

5. The relentless nature of the Arab pursuit

IV. The Convergence with al-Ṭabarī

The convergence with al-Ṭabarī's detailed account is remarkable:

Event	al-Ṭabarī	Movsēs
Siege of Bahurasir	Detailed account	Implied in "besieged Ctesiphon"
Crossing prevented	Persians cut bridge, concentrated boats	Juanshēr "did not permit them to cross"
Duration	Several months	"Six months" (rounded)
King's flight	To Hulwan	To Dastagird, then Beklal (Jalūlā')
Pursuit	To Jalūlā', then beyond	"Waves of the sea" in pursuit

V. The Theological Message

The imagery of the Arabs as "waves of the sea" ties this passage to the broader apocalyptic framework of Movsēs's work. The conquest is not merely a political event; it is a cosmic drama, a divine judgment sweeping over the land like a flood. Juanshēr's courage in the face of this overwhelming force is a testament to the power of faith, even when earthly victory is impossible.

VI. The Path Forward

With the fall of Ctesiphon and the king's flight eastward, Juanshēr's world has changed irrevocably. The Sasanian Empire, which had stood for over four centuries, is no more. The Albanian prince must now navigate a new reality—one dominated by the "children of the south" who have proven unstoppable. His story, however, is not over.

⛰️ SECTION VII: The End of an Era — Juanshēr's Return to Albania After Nihāwand

📜 HEADER: The Seven Years' War — Juanshēr's Final Service and the Collapse of Persia

"After this, while the armies battled one against the other, the Lord visited the army of the Persians with a cruel defeat at the close of their days. The command came from on high and destroyed their kingdom. Now the brave Juanshēr fought for seven years in those painful battles until, having received eleven grievous wounds, he took leave of them and retired to the province of Atrpatakan, where the Persian general, in consideration of his glorious renown, urged him to take his sister to wife. Juanshēr, however, not wishing to take a wife from among the unbelievers, returned to his own country. At this his affectionate father felt great joy, like the patriarch Jacob upon seeing the first-born of Rachel. With ardent heart he embraced his son, enhancing the colour of his face with the silver bloom of his hair."

🔍 COMMENTARY: Line-by-Line Analysis

📜 Part 1: The Catastrophe — "The Lord visited the army of the Persians with a cruel defeat at the close of their days"

"After this, while the armies battled one against the other, the Lord visited the army of the Persians with a cruel defeat at the close of their days."

A. The Historical Context: The Battle of Nihāwand (642 CE)

The "cruel defeat" described here is undoubtedly the Battle of Nihāwand, fought in 642 CE (21 AH). This was the final, decisive engagement between the Sasanian Empire and the Arab Muslim forces. Its outcome shattered the last organized resistance of the Persian state and opened the Iranian plateau to permanent Islamic conquest.

Element	Detail
Date	642 CE (21 AH)
Location	Nihāwand (south of Hamadan), in the Zagros Mountains
Muslim commander	Al-Nuʿmān b. Muqarrin
Outcome	Decisive Muslim victory; Persian army destroyed
Significance	"The Victory of Victories" (Fatḥ al-Futūḥ) — end of organized Sasanian resistance

B. "At the close of their days"

This phrase captures the finality of the defeat. The Sasanian Empire, which had stood for over four centuries (224-651 CE), was now in its death throes. Nihāwand was not the last battle (scattered resistance continued), but it was the last major field army the empire could muster.

C. "The Lord visited... with a cruel defeat"

Movsēs's language is theologically loaded. The defeat is not merely a military disaster; it is an act of divine judgment. "The Lord visited" echoes Old Testament language of God punishing nations for their sins. The phrase "cruel defeat" conveys the bitterness and totality of the catastrophe.

D. Sebeos on Nihāwand

Sebeos provides a detailed account of Nihāwand in his History, dating it to the first year of Constans II and the tenth year of Yazdgird (i.e., 642 CE):

"It happened in the first year of Constans king of the Greeks, and in the tenth year of Yazkert king of the Persians... that the Persian army of 60,000 fully armed men assembled to oppose Ismael. The Ismaelites put in the field against them 40,000 armed with swords; and they joined battle with each other in the province of Media... For three days the battle continued... Suddenly the Persian army was informed that an army had come to the support of the Ismaelites. The Persian troops fled from their camp all through the night."

The convergence between Movsēs and Sebeos is striking: both identify Nihāwand as the decisive blow that ended Persian resistance.

📜 Part 2: The Divine Verdict — "The command came from on high and destroyed their kingdom"

"The command came from on high and destroyed their kingdom."

A. Theological Interpretation

This line makes explicit what was implicit in the previous sentence: the fall of Persia was ordained by God. The "command from on high is a striking phrase, suggesting a divine decree that could not be resisted.

Element	Meaning
"Command"	Not a request, but an order
"From on high"	From God, from heaven
"Destroyed their kingdom"	Total, not partial, destruction

B. The Sasanian Collapse in Context

By 642 CE, the Sasanian Empire had already lost:

• Mesopotamia (637 CE)

• Ctesiphon, the capital (637 CE)

• Most of western Iran

• Its king, Yazdgird III, was a fugitive, moving from one refuge to another

Nihāwand was the final nail in the coffin. After this battle, organized resistance ceased, and Yazdgird's remaining years (he was killed in 651 CE) were spent fleeing eastward, abandoned by his nobles.

📜 Part 3: The Seven Years' War — Juanshēr's Service from 635 to 642 CE

"Now the brave Juanshēr fought for seven years in those painful battles until, having received eleven grievous wounds, he took leave of them and retired to the province of Atrpatakan."

A. The Chronology: Seven Years (635-642 CE)

Year	Event	Juanshēr's Activity
635 CE	Juanshēr arrives at Ctesiphon with his father Varaz-Grigor	Begins service in Persian army
636 CE	Battle of Qādisiyyah (Nov)	Fights in Mesopotamia
637 CE	Battle of Babil (Jan); Fall of Ctesiphon (Mar)	Wounded at Babil; rearguard actions
637-642 CE	Campaigns in Mesopotamia and western Iran	Continues fighting
642 CE	Battle of Nihāwand	Present at final defeat?
642 CE	After Nihāwand	Retires to Atrpatakan, then returns to Albania

The seven years (635-642 CE) represent the entire period of Juanshēr's active service in the Sasanian military, from his first arrival at court to the final collapse at Nihāwand.

B. "Eleven grievous wounds"

Juanshēr's body bears the marks of his service: eleven wounds received over seven years of fighting. This number is both specific and symbolic:

Aspect	Significance
Specificity	Suggests a genuine tradition; not a round number
Symbolism	Eleven is one short of twelve (completeness); perhaps indicating he survived despite being nearly broken
Cumulative	Each wound represents a battle, a moment of courage

C. "Took leave of them"

The phrase implies a conscious decision to withdraw from the war. After Nihāwand, the situation was hopeless. The Persian army no longer existed as a coherent force. Juanshēr, having done his duty, chose to return home rather than continue a futile resistance.

D. "Retired to the province of Atrpatakan"

Atrpatakan is the Armenian name for Ādurbādagān (modern Azerbaijan in Iran). This region, west of the Caspian Sea, was a major Sasanian province and a center of resistance after Nihāwand.

Element	Detail
Location	Northwestern Iran, south of the Aras River
Major cities	Ganzak (capital), Ardabil
Significance	Power base of the Pahlaw (Parthian) aristocracy, including Rostam and Khurrazād's family

Juanshēr's retreat to Atrpatakan indicates that he remained within the Persian sphere, perhaps hoping to regroup or simply seeking a safe haven before returning to Albania.

📜 Part 4: The Marriage Proposal — Khurrazād's Offer

"...where the Persian general, in consideration of his glorious renown, urged him to take his sister to wife."

A. "The Persian general"

This is Xorazat (Khurrazād Mihr), the brother of Rostam Farrokhzād. He had survived Qādisiyyah (where Rostam died) and was present at Ctesiphon during the siege. After Nihāwand, he was one of the highest-ranking Sasanian nobles still alive.

B. "In consideration of his glorious renown"

Khurrazād's offer of his sister in marriage is a mark of immense respect. In Sasanian society, marriage alliances among the nobility were serious matters, binding families together. Offering a sister to a foreign prince (Albania was a vassal kingdom, not part of the empire proper) was an extraordinary honor.

Element	Significance
Sister's status	A Sasanian princess, of the highest nobility
Offerer's status	Khurrazād, brother of Rostam, one of the last great nobles
Reason	Juanshēr's "glorious renown" — his reputation as a warrior

C. The Political Context

Khurrazād's offer may have been motivated by more than admiration. After Nihāwand, the Sasanian cause was lost. Khurrazād was likely looking for allies—men of proven courage and loyalty who could help him maintain his position in the new order. Juanshēr, with his 3,000 Albanian troops, was a valuable potential ally.

📜 Part 5: The Refusal — "Not wishing to take a wife from among the unbelievers"

"Juanshēr, however, not wishing to take a wife from among the unbelievers, returned to his own country."

A. "The unbelievers"

The term is striking. Khurrazād and his sister were Zoroastrians. For Juanshēr, a Christian, they were unbelievers. Despite seven years of fighting alongside them, despite receiving honors from their king, despite personal bonds of friendship and respect, the religious divide remained fundamental.

Element	Juanshēr's Perspective
Zoroastrianism	False religion, worship of fire and creation, not the Creator
Intermarriage	Would compromise his faith and his children's faith
Christian identity	Fundamental to who he is

B. The Theological Meaning

Juanshēr's refusal is a powerful statement of Christian identity in the face of overwhelming pressure. A marriage to a Sasanian princess would have:

• Elevated his status even further

• Bound him permanently to the Persian nobility

• Given him a stake in the survival of Zoroastrian Persia

But it would have come at the cost of his faith. Juanshēr chooses faith over power.

C. The Contrast with Other Nobles

Many Persian nobles, after the conquest, chose to convert to Islam to preserve their status and property. Juanshēr, offered a different path—marriage into the Zoroastrian elite—chooses instead to return home and remain a Christian. His loyalty is not to Persia, but to his God and his people.

📜 Part 6: The Return Home — Juanshēr's Reunion with His Father

"...returned to his own country. At this his affectionate father felt great joy, like the patriarch Jacob upon seeing the first-born of Rachel. With ardent heart he embraced his son, enhancing the colour of his face with the silver bloom of his hair."

A. "His own country" — Albania

Juanshēr returns to Caucasian Albania, the land of his birth. He has been away for seven years, fighting in foreign wars. He returns a changed man—wounded eleven times, bearing the scars of a lost cause.

B. Varaz-Grigor's Joy

His father, Varaz-Grigor, the prince of Albania, receives him with overwhelming joy. The comparison to the patriarch Jacob is significant:

Biblical Parallel	Context	Meaning
Jacob and Joseph	Jacob thought Joseph was dead; rejoiced when he saw him again	A father's joy at a son thought lost
Rachel's first-born	Joseph was Rachel's first-born, beloved of Jacob	Special, beloved son

C. "Enhancing the colour of his face with the silver bloom of his hair"

This beautiful image deserves close reading:

Element	Meaning
"Silver bloom"	Varaz-Grigor's white hair (sign of age)
"Enhancing the colour of his face"	The old man's joy brings color to his cheeks
"Bloom"	Suggests freshness, new life—the joy rejuvenates him

The image is one of tenderness and love. The old prince embraces his battle-scarred son, and in that embrace, finds new life.

📊 SUMMARY: The Seven Years' War and Juanshēr's Return

Element	Movsēs's Account	Historical Context	Significance
The "cruel defeat"	Battle of Nihāwand (642 CE)	Final destruction of Sasanian army	End of organized Persian resistance
Divine causation	"The Lord visited... the command came from on high"	Theological interpretation	God's judgment on Persia
Seven years' service	635-642 CE	From arrival at court to Nihāwand	Juanshēr's entire military career
Eleven wounds	Specific number	Mark of his service	Evidence of his courage
Retreat to Atrpatakan	Northwestern Iran	Region of Khurrazād's power	Final gathering of Persian nobles
Khurrazād's offer	Marriage to his sister	High honor, political alliance	Recognition of Juanshēr's status
Juanshēr's refusal	"Not wishing to take a wife from among the unbelievers"	Religious fidelity	Christianity over political advantage
Return to Albania	Homecoming to Varaz-Grigor	End of exile	Survival of the Albanian princely line
Father's joy	Jacob-Joseph parallel	Biblical typology	Theological meaning of homecoming

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The End of an Era and the Beginning of a New One

This passage marks a major turning point in Juanshēr's life and in Movsēs's narrative. The Sasanian Empire, which had dominated the Near East for over four centuries, is gone. Juanshēr, who had served it faithfully for seven years, now returns home to begin a new chapter.

I. The Chronological Precision

The seven-year span (635-642 CE) is remarkably precise and aligns perfectly with the known chronology of the Islamic conquests:

• 635 CE: Juanshēr arrives at Ctesiphon (after Qādisiyyah preparations)

• 636 CE: Battle of Qādisiyyah

• 637 CE: Battle of Babil, fall of Ctesiphon

• 637-642 CE: Scattered campaigns in Mesopotamia and Iran

• 642 CE: Battle of Nihāwand, final defeat

This precision inspires confidence in the underlying source material.

II. The Theological Framework

Movsēs interprets the fall of Persia as an act of divine judgment. This is not merely a political or military analysis; it is a theological statement. God has spoken, and the empire of the Zoroastrians is no more.

For Movsēs's Christian audience, this would have been a powerful message: the God who destroyed the Persian Empire is the same God who protects his faithful servants like Juanshēr.

III. Juanshēr's Character

Juanshēr emerges from this passage as the ideal Christian noble:

Virtue	Demonstration
Courage	Fought for seven years, received eleven wounds
Loyalty	Served the Persian king faithfully to the end
Faith	Refused marriage to a Zoroastrian, despite the honor
Wisdom	Knew when to leave a lost cause
Family devotion	Returned to his father, bringing him joy

IV. Khurrazād's Offer and Juanshēr's Refusal

The marriage offer and refusal is the emotional and theological climax of this passage. Khurrazād, representing the old order, offers Juanshēr a place in that order—a Sasanian princess, a share in whatever remained of Persian power. Juanshēr's refusal is a declaration that his identity as a Christian matters more than any earthly advantage.

V. The Homecoming

The final image—the old father embracing his battle-scarred son—is one of the most moving passages in the entire History. It echoes the biblical story of Jacob and Joseph, but with a crucial difference: Joseph was lost and then found; Juanshēr was never lost, but he was changed. The scars on his body are the marks of his service, and his father's joy is all the greater for having him home safely.

⛰️ SECTION VIII: The Albanian Resistance — Juanshēr's War Against the Persian Garrisons (642-651 CE)

📜 HEADER: The Lion of the Caucasus — Juanshēr's Struggle for Albanian Independence

"The most illustrious Juanshēr returned with great renown from the Persian wars and assumed the leadership of the entire house of Albania in accordance with the king's command. Taking his army and his father with him, he retreated above the city of Perozapat (Partaw), and the Persian warriors marched upon our country on account of Juanshēr's revolt."

🔍 COMMENTARY: The Historical Context (642-651 CE)

📜 The Chronological Framework

Year	Event in Persia	Event in Albania
642 CE	Battle of Nihāwand; collapse of Sasanian field army	Juanshēr returns from Persian service
642-651 CE	Arab conquest of Iranian plateau; Yazdgird III flees eastward	Albanian resistance against remaining Persian garrisons
650 CE	—	Adarnase II becomes prince of Iberia (Georgia)
651 CE	Death of Yazdgird III at Merv; end of Sasanian Empire	Juanshēr's wars continue

This nine-year period (642-651 CE) represents a power vacuum in the Caucasus. The Sasanian Empire, which had dominated the region for centuries, was collapsing. Local Persian garrisons, cut off from central authority, struggled to maintain control. Albanian nobles like Juanshēr saw an opportunity to reassert independence.

📜 PART 1: The Return and the Revolt

"The most illustrious Juanshēr returned with great renown from the Persian wars and assumed the leadership of the entire house of Albania in accordance with the king's command. Taking his army and his father with him, he retreated above the city of Perozapat (Partaw), and the Persian warriors marched upon our country on account of Juanshēr's revolt."

A. "Returned with great renown"

Juanshēr comes back to Albania as a celebrated hero. His seven years of service, eleven wounds, and personal courage have made him famous throughout the Caucasus. He is not just a prince returning home; he is a legend.

B. "Assumed the leadership of the entire house of Albania"

The phrase "in accordance with the king's command" is significant. Despite the collapse of the Sasanian Empire, the theoretical authority of the king (Yazdgird III) still mattered. Juanshēr's leadership is legitimized by royal decree—a reminder that Albania was still technically a Sasanian vassal.

Element	Meaning
"Entire house of Albania"	All Albanian territories, not just his father's domain
"King's command"	Yazdgird's authorization
Implication	Juanshēr now holds supreme authority in Albania

C. "Retreated above the city of Perozapat (Partaw)"

Perozapat is Partaw (modern Bərdə in Azerbaijan), the capital of Caucasian Albania. It was a major city, founded by the Sasanians and named after Peroz I.

Element	Detail
City	Partaw (Bərdə)
Location	In the province of Uti, on the Terter River
Significance	Capital of Albania; administrative and military center
"Retreated above"	Juanshēr withdraws to the highlands, avoiding a direct confrontation

Juanshēr's strategic withdrawal to the highlands (above the city) indicates a guerrilla strategy. He cannot face the Persian forces in open battle, so he uses the terrain to his advantage.

D. "The Persian warriors marched upon our country on account of Juanshēr's revolt"

These are not the armies of the Sasanian Empire—those have been destroyed at Nihāwand. These are local Persian garrisons, left behind when the empire collapsed, now fighting for their own survival and trying to maintain control over the Caucasus.

Element	Interpretation
"Persian warriors"	Local garrison troops, not imperial army
"Marched upon our country"	Invasion of Albania
"On account of Juanshēr's revolt"	His declaration of independence provoked the attack

📜 PART 2: The First Battle — Juanshēr Kills the Persian Commander

"While the vanguard of the enemy speedily invaded the lower regions of the same province, he hastily took up arms, and with his own hand he struck down a certain Gēlanī, the leader of the army, many of whose men he and his soldiers vanquished with their bloodthirsty swords."

A. The Enemy Commander: Gēlanī

The name Gēlanī is identified by Dowsett as "Gēlanī," possibly a corruption of a Persian title or name. This was the commander of the Persian forces attacking Albania.

Element	Detail
Name	Gēlanī (Gēlanay)
Title	"Leader of the army"
Fate	Killed by Juanshēr in single combat

B. "With his own hand he struck down"

This is a classic heroic motif. Juanshēr personally kills the enemy commander, a deed that:

• Demoralizes the enemy

• Inspires his own troops

• Demonstrates his personal courage

C. "Bloodthirsty swords"

The phrase is vivid and dramatic. The swords are personified as "bloodthirsty," emphasizing the violence and intensity of the battle.

📜 PART 3: The Pursuit and Second Battle

"Having taken many prisoners and horses and mules and much booty he retreated, and the Persian army pursued him relentlessly. Another encounter took place between them in the hills, and on that day also he was favoured by the Lord and prevailed."

A. The Spoils of Victory

Item	Significance
Prisoners	Captives who could be ransomed or exchanged
Horses	Essential for cavalry; valuable war booty
Mules	Pack animals for supply trains
Booty	General plunder, including weapons, armor, goods

B. "The Persian army pursued him relentlessly"

Despite his victory, Juanshēr is not safe. The Persians have superior numbers and can afford to pursue him even after a defeat.

C. "Another encounter... in the hills"

The location—hills—favors Juanshēr's guerrilla tactics. He knows the terrain; the Persians do not.

D. "Favoured by the Lord"

Once again, Movsēs attributes victory to divine favor. Juanshēr's success is not just a matter of skill; God is on his side.

📜 PART 4: The Disaster — Partaw Captured, Family Taken

"Thereupon, however, the bad news reached him that the Persian army had occupied the town of Peroz (Partaw) and taken his father and brothers captive."

A. The Strategic Setback

While Juanshēr was winning battles in the hills, the Persians executed a daring raid on the capital, capturing it and taking his family hostage.

Element	Significance
City	Partaw, the capital
Captives	Varaz-Grigor (father), Juanshēr's brothers
Effect	Juanshēr's joy turns to anguish

B. The Emotional Impact

"Truly, I say, he raged like a bear bereft of its young."

The simile is powerful and biblical:

Element	Meaning
Bear	Fierce, dangerous when provoked
Bereft of its young	A mother bear whose cubs are taken is unstoppable
Juanshēr's rage	Personal and righteous

📜 PART 5: The Counter-Attack — Juanshēr's Vengeance

"...and he swiftly returned across the lands of his fathers' patrimony to the other side of the river Kur, to the province of Kapichan. There he gave battle, not rashly, but cautiously. Fighting fearlessly, he received a wound in the head, but with the aid of the mighty right hand of Christ he showed himself so fierce and powerful that not one of the enemy remained unslain."

A. The River Kur

The Kur River (modern Kura) is the major river of the Caucasus, flowing through Georgia and Azerbaijan into the Caspian Sea. Crossing it puts Juanshēr in a new theater of operations.

B. The Province of Kapichan

Kapichan is a region in eastern Georgia, near the Albanian border. 

C. "Not rashly, but cautiously"

Juanshēr learns from his earlier setback. He is careful now, not impulsive.

D. "A wound in the head"

Juanshēr receives his twelfth wound (counting the eleven from the Persian wars). The head wound is particularly dangerous, but he fights on.

E. "The mighty right hand of Christ"

The imagery is explicitly Christian. The "right hand of Christ" is a common biblical metaphor for divine power and protection.

F. "Not one of the enemy remained unslain"

A total victory. The Persian force is annihilated.

📜 PART 6: The Georgian Alliance — Adarnase II

"After this he went and rested on the borders of Georgia in glory and splendour. There the most honourable Atmerseh, the prince of that country, who held three titles of the Roman Empire, came and personally bandaged his wounds, holding the victory won by his great valour a cause for rejoicing. They concluded an inviolable treaty of peace, and Juanshēr, taking the Georgian army to help him, advanced swiftly into the province of Uti and put all the Persian soldiers to the sword wherever they were found."

A. Atmerseh = Adarnase II, Prince of Iberia

Element	Identification
Name	Atmerseh = Adarnase II
Title	Prince of Iberia (Georgia)
Reign	c. 650-684 CE
Predecessor	Stephen II (his father)
Roman titles	"Three titles of the Roman Empire" — honorifics granted by Constantinople

Adarnase II became prince of Iberia around 650 CE, after the death of his father Stephen II. This date provides a crucial chronological anchor for the events described.

B. The Chronology

Event	Date
Stephen II dies	c. 650 CE
Adarnase II becomes prince	c. 650 CE
Juanshēr meets Adarnase	c. 650-651 CE
Persian garrisons expelled	c. 650-651 CE

This fits perfectly within the 642-651 CE timeframe.

C. "Personally bandaged his wounds"

A beautiful gesture of friendship and respect. The prince of Iberia himself tends to Juanshēr's wounds, symbolizing the bond being formed.

D. "An inviolable treaty of peace"

The Georgian-Albanian alliance is formalized. Both kingdoms, threatened by Persian remnants and soon by Arab expansion, need friends.

E. "Taking the Georgian army to help him"

With Georgian reinforcements, Juanshēr now has the strength to clear the Persian garrisons from Uti, the province containing Partaw.

F. "Put all the Persian soldiers to the sword wherever they were found"

A systematic ethnic cleansing of Persian military personnel from Albanian territory. This is war, total and uncompromising.

📜 PART 7: The Liberation of Partaw

"He likewise attacked the town of his winter residence and reclaimed and liberated his twin blood-brothers."

A. "The town of his winter residence"

This is Partaw, the capital, which had been occupied by the Persians and his family taken captive.

B. "Reclaimed and liberated his twin blood-brothers"

The twins are freed. The family is reunited. Juanshēr's campaign has succeeded.

---

📜 PART 8: The Continuing War — Persian Reinforcements

"After this the Persians began to pour more troops into Atrpatakan, but he was not dismayed, for it was his nature to be bolder in the face of many than in the face of few. In two battles in the province of Sakashen he slew many chiliarchs and their armies with revengeful blows."

A. Atrpatakan (Ādurbādagān)

The Persians are regrouping in Atrpatakan (northwestern Iran), the power base of the Pahlaw aristocracy. From there, they can threaten Albania.

B. "Bolder in the face of many than in the face of few"

A classic heroic trait. Juanshēr's courage increases with the odds against him.

C. The Province of Sakashen

Sakashen (Arm. Սակաշէն) was a district in eastern Armenia/western Albania, near the Kur River. This was the frontier zone between Albania and Persian territory.

D. "Chiliarchs"

A chiliarch (Greek χιλίαρχος) was a commander of 1,000 men. The term is used here for Persian officers. Juanshēr kills "many" of them, along with their armies.

E. "Revengeful blows"

The word choice emphasizes the personal nature of the conflict. This is not just war; it is vengeance for the capture of his family.

📜 PART 9: The Armenian-Georgian Marriage Offer

"Of these innumerable and savage victories of Juanshēr over the Persians it is unnecessary to tell. Seeing them, the nobles of the lands of Armenia and Georgia wished to choose him a wife from their own kin, but he chose a wife from the Aruichan family, the daughter of the ruler of the Sisakanian land, which made the Siwnians eternally glad."

A. The Offer

The nobles of Armenia and Georgia see Juanshēr's power and wish to bind him to them through marriage. This is high politics: an alliance through matrimony.

B. Juanshēr's Choice

He chooses instead a bride from the Aruichan family of Siwnik' (Armenia). This is significant:

Element	Significance
Aruichan family	A noble house of Siwnik'
Daughter of the ruler of Sisakan	A princess of Siwnik'
Siwnik' connection	Strengthens ties with Armenia

C. "Which made the Siwnians eternally glad"

The people of Siwnik' are honored by his choice. This marriage creates a lasting bond between Albania and Siwnik'.

📜 PART 10: The Persian General Seeks Peace

"The Persian general, hearing of his great defeat at the hands of Juanshēr and the annihilation of his forces, became converted to a love of peace, and he wrote a letter which he sent through the great prince of Siwnik' swearing a mighty oath to induce him to be his ally."

A. "The Persian general"

This is Khurrazād Mihr or another high-ranking Persian commander, now operating from Atrpatakan.

B. "Converted to a love of peace"

The Persians have had enough. Juanshēr's victories have made continued war impossible.

C. The Intermediary: "The great prince of Siwnik'"

The prince of Siwnik' acts as a mediator between Juanshēr and the Persians. This is a natural role, given Juanshēr's marriage into a Siwnian family.

D. "With difficulty... persuaded him to be reconciled"

Juanshēr is reluctant. He has good reason to distrust the Persians, who had captured his family. Only with difficulty does he agree to peace.

E. "He sealed the treaty solemnly, and returned"

A formal peace treaty is concluded. The Persian general returns to his own territory, and Juanshēr returns to Albania with his mother and brothers—now all free.

📜 PART 11: The Fragmentation of Persia

"Then, considering the decline of the great Persian Empire, the independence of the first eastern kings and his own incomparable royal splendour, he resolved never again to entrust the fate of his principality to another."

A. "The decline of the great Persian Empire"

By 651 CE, the Sasanian Empire is effectively dead. Yazdgird III will be killed at Merv this same year.

B. "The independence of the first eastern kings"

The eastern satraps and local rulers are declaring independence. The empire has fragmented.

C. "Resolved never again to entrust the fate of his principality to another"

Juanshēr learns the lesson of his experience: vassalage to a dying empire is dangerous. Albania must stand on its own.

📜 PART 12: The Final Betrayal

"A Persian general, however, boldly sought to rule independently over each region, and Juanshēr and his brothers retired to their native canton. The Persian general treacherously summoned his father to him on some pretext, however, so as to make him his vassal, and he sent troops and appointed governors for the province of Albania."

A. "A Persian general... sought to rule independently"

Even as the empire collapses, local Persian commanders try to carve out their own domains. One such general sees Albania as his prize.

B. "Treacherously summoned his father"

Varaz-Grigor is lured to the Persian camp on some pretext and taken hostage again. The peace has been broken.

C. "Sent troops and appointed governors"

The Persians reoccupy Albania, installing their own administrators.

📜 PART 13: The Final Rescue

"Now what will the brave Juanshēr and his elder brother do, they who, undaunted and thirsting for revenge, gird on their swords, mount their swift steeds, and taking a short cut, surround the town of Peroz-Kawat in the vicinity of which they hide in an ox-stall in a woody place and take their first sleep? At sunrise they galloped in like young lion-cubs, and they seized the town and punished cruelly whomsoever they found there and in other regions to be under the command of the Persian general. With their keen armies they inflicted great defeats upon the Persians until they surrendered their father safe and sound."

A. The Guerrilla Tactics

Tactic	Description
Short cut	Knowledge of local terrain
Surround the town	Strategic encirclement
Hide in an ox-stall	Use of cover and deception
Take their first sleep	Rest before the attack

B. "Like young lion-cubs"

Juanshēr and his brother are compared to lion cubs—young, fierce, unstoppable.

C. "Seized the town and punished cruelly"

The vengeance is total. All Persian collaborators are killed.

D. "Until they surrendered their father safe and sound"

The campaign succeeds. Varaz-Grigor is freed, and the Persians are driven from Albania.

📊 SUMMARY: Juanshēr's Albanian War (642-651 CE)

Event	Date	Description
Return to Albania	642 CE	Juanshēr comes home after Nihāwand
Revolt against Persian garrisons	642-643 CE	Albanian declaration of independence
First battle: kills Gēlanī	c. 643 CE	Victory, but family captured
Second battle: Kapichan	c. 643 CE	Total victory, but head wound
Alliance with Adarnase II	c. 650 CE	Georgian alliance formed
Liberation of Partaw	c. 650 CE	Family freed, Persians expelled
Battles in Sakashen	c. 650-651 CE	Multiple victories against Persian reinforcements
Marriage to Siwnian princess	c. 650-651 CE	Alliance with Siwnik'
First peace treaty	c. 651 CE	Persian general seeks peace
Persian betrayal	c. 651 CE	Varaz-Grigor taken again
Final rescue	c. 651 CE	Juanshēr frees his father, drives out Persians

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The Prince as Warrior and Diplomat

This long and complex passage reveals Juanshēr as a figure of extraordinary capability—a warrior, a strategist, a diplomat, and a family man. His nine-year struggle against the Persian garrisons (642-651 CE) demonstrates:

I. Military Genius

Juanshēr masters the art of guerrilla warfare, using the Caucasus terrain to neutralize superior Persian numbers. His tactics—ambush, night attacks, use of local knowledge—are brilliantly effective.

II. Diplomatic Skill

He builds a network of alliances:

• With Georgia (Adarnase II)

• With Siwnik' (through marriage)

• With Armenian nobles (who seek to marry into his family)

III. Personal Courage

His wounds—eleven from the Persian wars, plus a head wound in Albania—testify to his willingness to fight in the front lines. He is no armchair general.

IV. Family Loyalty

The driving force of the entire narrative is Juanshēr's love for his family. The capture of his father and brothers provokes his most desperate battles. Their rescue is his greatest joy.

V. Political Wisdom

He learns from experience. After years of vassalage to a dying empire, he resolves that Albania must be independent. He will never again "entrust the fate of his principality to another."

VI. The Historical Value

This passage provides unique evidence for:

• The collapse of Sasanian authority in the Caucasus after Nihāwand

• The rise of local resistance movements

• The alliances among Caucasian Christian kingdoms

• The chronology of Georgian rulers (Adarnase II)

• The role of Siwnik' as a mediator

With the Persians finally expelled and his father safe, Juanshēr now faces a new challenge: the Arabs.

⛰️ SECTION IX: The End of an Era — The Fall of the Sasanian Empire and the Arrival of the Arabs

📜 HEADER: The Twentieth Year — The Death of Persia and the Dawn of a New Age

"And in the twentieth year of Yazkert the Persian Empire was utterly destroyed, that is, in the thirty-first year of the worldwide wars of the Hagarites and the fifteenth year of my lord Juanshēr. Thus did the Tachiks (Arabs) invade the lands of the north and east. They compelled the tribal chiefs to surrender the fortresses to them and took their wives and children as hostages to safeguard themselves against rebellion. When Juanshēr beheld the cruel scourge from the south, he deceived them for a short time and then crossed to the other side of the river, where his fearless heart flamed and burned to do battle with them again and to deliver his father. But his father turned him from that design and voluntarily submitted to the enemy."

🔍 COMMENTARY: The Triple Chronology

📜 Part 1: The Threefold Dating System

"And in the twentieth year of Yazkert the Persian Empire was utterly destroyed, that is, in the thirty-first year of the worldwide wars of the Hagarites and the fifteenth year of my lord Juanshēr."

This remarkable sentence contains three separate chronological systems, each synchronized with the others:

Chronology	Reference Point	Calculated Year (CE)
Yazdgird III	20th regnal year	16 June 651 – 15 June 652 CE
Hagarite (Hijri) calendar	31st year	19 August 651 – 7 August 652 CE (31 AH)
Juanshēr's lordship	15th year	636/637 – 651/652 CE

A. The Twentieth Year of Yazdgird III

Detail	Value
Yazdgird III's coronation	16 June 632 CE
20th regnal year begins	16 June 651 CE
20th regnal year ends	15 June 652 CE

This is the year in which Yazdgird III was killed at Merv, marking the final extinction of the Sasanian state.

B. The Thirty-First Year of the Hagarite Wars

Movsēs's "thirty-first year of the worldwide wars of the Hagarites" is a clear reference to the Hijri calendar, counting from the Hijra (622 CE).

Hijri Year	CE Equivalent	Event
1 AH	622-623 CE	Hijra; beginning of Islamic calendar
31 AH	651-652 CE	Death of Yazdgird III; end of Sasanian Empire

Why "thirty-first year"?

The math is simple:

• 651 CE (death of Yazdgird) - 622 CE (Hijra) = 29 years

• But the Hijri year is lunar, approximately 354 days, so 29 solar years = approximately 30 lunar years

• Movsēs's "thirty-first year" may be counting inclusively or rounding slightly

This demonstrates that Movsēs (or his source) had access to accurate Hijri dating—remarkable for a Christian historian in the Caucasus.

C. The Fifteenth Year of Juanshēr's Lordship

This is the most personal chronology. Juanshēr's "lordship" began when he assumed leadership of Albania, perhaps after his return from the Persian wars.

Juanshēr's Year	CE Equivalent	Event
Year 1	636-637 CE	Juanshēr assumes leadership
Year 15	651-652 CE	Fall of Sasanian Empire

The synchronization of these three systems—Persian regnal, Islamic lunar, and Albanian princely—is a mark of sophisticated historiography.

📜 Part 2: "The Persian Empire Was Utterly Destroyed"

"And in the twentieth year of Yazkert the Persian Empire was utterly destroyed."

A. The Death of Yazdgird III

The last Sasanian king was killed in 651 CE at Merv, in Khurasan. His death marked the end of a dynasty that had ruled for 427 years (224-651 CE).

Movsēs's phrase "utterly destroyed" captures the finality of the event.

📜 Part 3: The Arrival of the Arabs

"Thus did the Tachiks (Arabs) invade the lands of the north and east. They compelled the tribal chiefs to surrender the fortresses to them and took their wives and children as hostages to safeguard themselves against rebellion."

A. "Tachiks"

The term Tachik is the Armenian word for Arab (from Middle Persian Tāzīg). It is the same term used by Sebeos and other Armenian historians.

Language	Term	Meaning
Middle Persian	Tāzīg	Arab
Armenian	Tačik	Arab
Georgian	Taji	Arab
Chinese	Dàshí (大食)	Arab (from Tāzīg)

The linguistic chain shows how the name traveled across Eurasia.

B. "Invade the lands of the north and east"

By 651 CE, the Arabs had already conquered:

• Mesopotamia (637 CE)

• The Iranian plateau (637-651 CE)

• Armenia and the Caucasus were next

C. Methods of Conquest

"They compelled the tribal chiefs to surrender the fortresses to them and took their wives and children as hostages."

This describes a standard Arab method of pacification:

Method	Purpose
Demand surrender of fortresses	Eliminate military strongholds
Take wives and children as hostages	Ensure compliance; prevent rebellion
Hostages as surety	If locals rebel, hostages are executed

This is not yet systematic conquest—it is the first wave of pressure, testing local resistance.

📜 Part 4: Juanshēr's Response — Deception and Defiance

"When Juanshēr beheld the cruel scourge from the south, he deceived them for a short time and then crossed to the other side of the river, where his fearless heart flamed and burned to do battle with them again and to deliver his father."

A. "The cruel scourge from the south"

The phrase echoes earlier descriptions of the Arabs as a divine punishment. They are not just invaders; they are a "scourge", sent by God.

B. "He deceived them for a short time"

Juanshēr's first instinct is strategic deception. He buys time, pretending to negotiate or submit while preparing resistance.

C. "Crossed to the other side of the river"

The river is almost certainly the Kur (Kura), the natural boundary of Albania. By crossing it, Juanshēr places himself in a more defensible position.

D. "His fearless heart flamed and burned to do battle"

The language is intensely emotional. Juanshēr's instinct is to fight. Every bone in his body wants to resist the invaders.

E. "To deliver his father"

Varaz-Grigor is still alive, now an old man. Juanshēr's desire to fight is motivated not just by patriotism but by filial love.

📜 Part 5: The Father's Choice

"But his father turned him from that design and voluntarily submitted to the enemy."

A. "His father turned him from that design"

Varaz-Grigor, the old prince, intervenes. He knows something his son does not:

Factor	Consideration
Military reality	Resistance is futile; the Arabs are unstoppable
Age and wisdom	He has seen empires rise and fall
Love for his son	He does not want Juanshēr to die in a hopeless cause

B. "Voluntarily submitted"

The phrase is crucial. Varaz-Grigor's submission is voluntary. He is not forced; he chooses to submit to save his people and his son.

C. The Theological Implications

For Movsēs, writing from a Christian perspective, submission to Muslim rule is a painful but necessary reality. Varaz-Grigor's choice is not cowardice; it is wisdom. He preserves his people and his faith by accepting the new order, rather than being destroyed by it.

📊 SUMMARY: The Triple Chronology and Its Meaning

Chronology	Reference	CE Equivalent	Event
Yazdgird III	20th year	651-652 CE	King killed; empire ends
Hijri	31st year	651-652 CE	31 AH; Arab conquests continue
Juanshēr	15th year	651-652 CE	Fifteenth year of his leadership
Sasanian Empire	427 years	224-651 CE	Total duration of the dynasty

🏛️ CONCLUSION: The End of the Old World

This short but dense passage marks the definitive end of the Sasanian Empire and the beginning of a new era for Albania and the Caucasus.

I. The Chronological Precision

Movsēs's triple dating system is a mark of historical sophistication. By synchronizing Persian regnal years, Hijri years, and Juanshēr's lordship, he demonstrates:

• Access to accurate chronological information

• Understanding of multiple calendar systems

• Desire to anchor his narrative in verifiable dates

II. The Death of an Empire

The phrase "the Persian Empire was utterly destroyed" is not hyperbole. The Sasanian state, which had been one of the two superpowers of the Near East for over four centuries, was gone. Its king was dead, its armies shattered, its territories occupied.

III. The Arrival of a New Power

The Arabs, whom Movsēs calls "Tachiks," are now the dominant force. Their methods—demanding surrender, taking hostages—are those of a power consolidating control.

IV. Juanshēr's Dilemma

Juanshēr faces the same choice as every leader in the conquered lands: resist or submit. His instinct is to fight, to liberate his father, to defend his homeland. But his father, wiser and older, chooses submission.

V. Varaz-Grigor's Wisdom

The old prince's decision to "voluntarily submit" is the key to the passage. He understands that:

• Resistance is futile

• Submission preserves lives

• Faith can survive under Muslim rule

• His son is more valuable than a hopeless war

With the Sasanian Empire dead and the Arabs now dominant, Juanshēr must navigate a new world, the world of  Islam.

⛰️ SECTION X: CONCLUSION — Juanshēr's Campaigns and the Islamic Tradition: A Perfect Synchronization

📜 THE VERDICT: Seven Years of War, Eleven Wounds, and the Fall of an Empire

The narrative of Juanshēr's career from 632 to 651 CE—as preserved in the History of the Caucasian Albanians—is not merely a collection of heroic tales. It is a remarkably accurate chronological framework that aligns almost perfectly with the established timeline of the early Islamic conquests. Movsēs Daskhurantsi, drawing on the lost History to 682, has preserved a contemporary witness to the collapse of the Sasanian Empire and the rise of Islam, seen from the perspective of a Caucasian Christian prince who lived through it all.

📊 THE SYNCHRONIZATION TABLE: Juanshēr's Timeline vs. Islamic History

Year (CE)	Juanshēr's Career (Movsēs)	Islamic Conquest History	Convergence
632	Yazdgird III becomes king (grandson of Xusro II)	Prophet Muhammad dies (June); Yazdgird crowned (June 16)	✅ Perfect
635	Juanshēr arrives at Ctesiphon with his father Varaz-Grigor; presented to Rostam and the young king	Arab forces active in Mesopotamia; preparations for Qādisiyyah	✅ Plausible
636	Fights in Persian army; Battle of Qādisiyyah (November)	Battle of al-Qādisiyyah (November 636)	✅ Perfect
637	Battle of Babil (January 6-7, Christmas); wounded three times; escapes by swimming canal	Battle of Babil (January 637); Persian survivors routed	✅ Perfect
637	Six-month rearguard action; prevents Arab crossing of Tigris; king flees to Dastagird	Siege of Bahurasir (Jan-Mar 637); fall of Ctesiphon (March 637)	✅ Perfect
637-642	Continues fighting for seven years; receives eleven wounds	Ongoing Arab campaigns in Mesopotamia and Iran	✅ Consistent
642	Battle of Nihāwand; "the Lord visited the army of the Persians with a cruel defeat"	Battle of Nihāwand (642 CE); "Victory of Victories"	✅ Perfect
642	Retreats to Atrpatakan; refuses marriage to Khurrazād's sister; returns to Albania	Collapse of Sasanian field army; Yazdgird flees east	✅ Perfect
642-651	Leads Albanian resistance against Persian garrisons; multiple battles; alliance with Adarnase II (c. 650)	Arab conquest of Iranian plateau; local Persian commanders resist	✅ Consistent
650	Alliance with Adarnase II, prince of Iberia	Adarnase II becomes prince of Iberia (c. 650)	✅ Perfect
651	"In the twentieth year of Yazkert... the Persian Empire was utterly destroyed"	Death of Yazdgird III at Merv (651 CE); end of Sasanian dynasty	✅ Perfect
651	"In the thirty-first year of the worldwide wars of the Hagarites"	31 AH (651-652 CE)	✅ Perfect
651	Varaz-Grigor voluntarily submits to the Arabs	First Arab incursions into the Caucasus	✅ Consistent

🏛️ THE CONVERGENCE: Point by Point

I. The Chronological Framework

Movsēs's triple dating system—Yazdgird's regnal years, Hijri years, and Juanshēr's lordship—provides an unusually precise chronological anchor. The synchronization of:

• "Twentieth year of Yazkert" = 651-652 CE

• "Thirty-first year of the Hagarite wars" = 31 AH (651-652 CE)

• "Fifteenth year of my lord Juanshēr" = 636/637 - 651/652 CE

...is mathematically coherent and demonstrates that Movsēs (or his source) had access to accurate calendrical information from both Persian and Islamic sources.

II. The Major Battles

Battle	Movsēs's Account	Islamic Sources	Convergence
Qādisiyyah	Implied; Juanshēr fights in Persian army	al-Ṭabarī, Sebeos (636 CE)	✅ Perfect
Babil	January 637; Juanshēr wounded; canal escape	al-Ṭabarī's detailed account (Jan 637)	✅ Perfect
Ctesiphon	Six-month siege; Juanshēr prevents crossing	al-Ṭabarī's account of Bahurasir siege	✅ Perfect
Nihāwand	642 CE; "cruel defeat"; end of Persian resistance	Sebeos, al-Ṭabarī (642 CE)	✅ Perfect

III. The Persian Commanders

Name in Movsēs	Historical Figure	Role
Rostam	Rostam Farrokhzād	Killed at Qādisiyyah (636)
Xorazat	Khurrazād Mihr	Brother of Rostam; survived; later submitted to Arabs

IV. The Georgian Connection

Name in Movsēs	Historical Figure	Reign
Atmerseh	Adarnase II	Prince of Iberia (c. 650-684)

The mention of Adarnase II, who became prince around 650 CE, provides an independent chronological marker that aligns perfectly with the timeline of Juanshēr's wars.

V. The Fall of Persia

Element	Movsēs	Historical Reality
Death of Yazdgird	Implied (20th year)	651 CE at Merv
End of empire	"Utterly destroyed"	427-year dynasty ends
31st year of Hagarite wars	31 AH	651-652 CE

🔍 THE UNIQUE VALUE OF MOVSĒS'S TESTIMONY

I. A Contemporary Witness

The core of Movsēs's seventh-century narrative derives from the lost History to 682, composed in the late 670s or early 680s—within a generation of the events it describes. This is contemporary history, not later legend.

II. The Albanian Perspective

Unlike Sebeos (Armenian) or al-Ṭabarī (Arabic), Movsēs provides the Albanian viewpoint—that of a small Caucasian kingdom caught between empires. His account preserves:

• The role of Caucasian contingents in the Sasanian army

• The personal courage of individual commanders

• The impact of the conquests on local populations

• The survival strategies of Christian princes under Muslim rule

III. The Theological Framework

Movsēs interprets events through a Christian lens:

• The Arabs are the "race of Hagar," the "children of the south"

• Their conquests are a "tempest from the desert," a "scourge from the south"

• Juanshēr's victories come "with the aid of the mighty right hand of Christ"

• Suffering is "divine discipline" producing "the fruit of righteousness"

This theological framework does not diminish the historical value; it illuminates how contemporary Christians understood the cataclysm.

IV. The Human Dimension

Movsēs's account is filled with human detail:

• The young Juanshēr, with "downy beard scarce begun to bloom"

• His eleven wounds, each a mark of service

• His refusal to marry a Zoroastrian, choosing faith over power

• His father's joy at his return, "like the patriarch Jacob"

• His rage "like a bear bereft of its young" when his family is captured

• The tender scene of Adarnase II bandaging his wounds

These details bring history to life in a way that chronicles of battles and treaties cannot.

Juanshēr's story from 632 to 651 CE is the story of the Sasanian Empire's collapse and the rise of Islam, seen through the eyes of one man. He began as a young prince, sent to represent his father at the court of the last Persian king. He fought in the empire's greatest battles—Qādisiyyah, Babil, Nihāwand—and was wounded eleven times. He survived when so many around him perished.

When the empire fell, he returned home to lead his people in a desperate nine-year war against the remaining Persian garrisons. He forged alliances with Georgia and Siwnik', married a Christian princess, and ultimately saw his father, Varaz-Grigor, make the difficult choice to voluntarily submit to the new Arab rulers.

The world Juanshēr knew was gone. The Sasanian Empire, which had dominated the Near East for 427 years, was "utterly destroyed." The Arabs—the "race of Hagar," the "children of the south"—now ruled from the Tigris to the Oxus. The Caucasus, with its Christian kingdoms, lay on the new frontier.

📜 THE END

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